This paper discusses the proclisis-enclisis alternation of object clitics in finiteness sensitive and Tobler-Mussafia languages. I argue that proclisis/enclisis can be derived via the interaction of syntactic and PF operations, at least in a number of environments, although purely syntactic or PF derivations are also possible but rare. I present an outline of how certain proclitic and enclitic structures are derived, using a grammatical model in which syntax feeds PF, and I try to show how much of the alternation is syntactic and how much is PF. The implications for head movement are also discussed.

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This monograph investigates the morpho-syntactic and other properties of clitic pronouns in Greek and offers a grammar of proclisis and enclisis in light of Chomsky’s (1995, 2001a, 2005) Minimalist Program. It explores the nature of clitics as syntactic topicalizers which are probed by structurally higher verbal heads to which they move and into which they incorporate morpho-syntactically. A theory is advanced according to which cliticization derives from syntactic agreement between (the phi-features of) a clitic pronoun and a phase head, v* in the case of proclisis and CM in the case of enclisis. Incorporation of the clitic into its host is argued to depend on two factors, i.e. the fact that the clitic only contains a subset of the features of its host, and the fact that the edge of the host is accessible. Also, the syntax of strong pronouns and their relation to clitics, of negated imperatives, of surrogate imperatives and of free clitic ordering in Greek enclisis are also discussed. This monograph would appeal to syntacticians and morphologists as well as to those interested in Greek and more generally in clitic syntax.

This paper discusses predicational structures in some Aromanian varieties which involve PP or AP predicates combining with the copula be. In these structures the internal argument and subject of be is cross-referenced by an accusative clitic, as long as it is 3rd person and a topic. However, Individual-Level APs typically resist cliticisation. We propose that the clitic is the spell-out of topic and gender/number features available in Stage-Level predicates only (a spatio-temporal argument à la Kratzer 1995), with which the subject agrees, before agreeing with T. We argue that this structural property captures the restriction to Stage-Level predicate subject topics, the person restriction, and also the fact that the clitic behaves like a direct object clitic morphosyntactically.