This paper examines the United States policy toward people with AIDS (PWAs) using a theory of the social construction of target populations (Schneider and Ingram, 1993). A policy narrative is developed which focuses on the ways PWAs have been categorized throughout the epidemic and how the characterization of these constructed target populations has influenced the design of policies aimed at these groups. The Ryan White Act of 1990 and the debate surrounding its passage is examined and found to be consistent with the expectations of the theory. Propositions which extend the framework are offered as a guide for future research. Copyright 1993 by The Policy Studies Organization.

Despite its popularity and controversial character, few studies of political talk radio have been conducted. Little evidence for the hypothesis that political talk radio leads to alienation, social and political isolation, cynicism, and political withdrawal was found among a population-based sample of 525 adults in San Diego, California. Respondents reported widespread exposure to talk radio, although they often did not discriminate accurately among political, nonpolitical, and other program ming. Exposure was associated with traditional forms of political participation, beliefs in self-efficacy linked to specific political behaviors, and psychological involvement in politics. Increased penetration of the public may have altered the nature of the political talk radio audience so that exposure to talk radio is more closely associated with customary forms of political involvement than with social and political alienation.

This essay presents a narrative of U.S. AIDS policy which highlights the ways that people with AIDS (PWAs) have been categorized throughout the epidemic. I argue that PWAs have been broadly categorized as either "innocent" or "guilty" in the public discourse about AIDS, and that these distinctions have greatly influenced the way that policies are designed and justified. An examination of the Ryan White CARE Act of 1990 shows that policy rationales of lawmakers overwhelmingly relied on rhetoric which focused on the most sympathetic PWAs: "innocent" women and children. While this rhetorical strategy helped gain passage of the law, it effectively shut out the concerns of the majority of PWAs who fell into less sympathetic categories and resulted in policy decisions which often work against the stated goals of lawmakers.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Data from interviews with 475 parents (and 84 nonparent controls) of students attending a multiracial/ethnic high school in a major southwestern city were used to test hypotheses about parental school communication. Grunig's situational involvement theory of communication was supported. Passive and active forms of communication were largely explained by the extent to which parents recognized problems at the school, were involved with the problems, and felt constrained from acting effectivety in relation to the problems regardless of racial-ethnic background. Still, the major groups differed in anticipated ways concerning amount of communication, doubtlessly based on historical-cultural experiences.