a r e p e r f o r m e d by p o i n t k e r n e l i n t e g r a t i o n ; f o r most geometr i e s by S i m p s o n ' s r u l e n u m e r i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n . S o u r c e s t r e n g t h i n u n i f o r m o r e x p o n e n t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n (where a p p l i c a b l e ) may b e c a l c u l a t e d by t h e l i n k e d f i s s i o n p r o d u c t i n v e n t o r y c o d e R I B D o r by o t h e r o p t i o n s a s d e s i r e d . B u i l d u p f a c t o r s a r e c a l c u l a t e d b y t h e code b a s e d on t h e number o f mean f r e e p a t h s o f m a t e r i a l b e t w e e n t h e s o u r c e and d e t e c t o r p o i n t s , t h e e f f e ct i v e a t o m i c number o f a p a r t i c u l a r s h i e l d r e g i o n ( t h e l a s t u n l e s s o t h e r w i s e c h o s e n ) , And t h e p o i n t i s o t r o p i c

On June 5, 1920, Congress established the Women's Bureau, charging it to “formulate standards and policies which shall promote the welfare of wage-earning women, improve their working conditions, increase their efficiency, and advance their opportunities for profitable employment.” Support for the bureau was such that the House passed the bill by a vote of 255 to 10, and the Senate passed it without a recorded vote, though theMonthly Labor Reviewnoted that “there was some opposition.” During a decade when policymakers celebrated the fruits of economic abundance garnered with only the lightest touch from the state, bureau leaders and investigators saw gender research as a form of labor activism that would advance the cause of all workers. The bureau provided a unique site for discourse and deliberation concerning labor standards that did not exist in any other branch of the federal government. No other organization in the federal government thought harder about how policies could be constructed to protect workers, irrespective of gender, from the continued harsh reality of employment in American industry. Along the way, advocates of protective legislation for women sought not only to protect the particular interests of women workers, but also to drive a wedge through a post-Adkinsunderstanding of the “right to contract” and to expand the number of issues that should be seen as affected with a public interest.

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Once viewed as a distinct era characterized by intense bigotry, nostalgia for simpler times and a revulsion against active government, the 1920s have been rediscovered by historians in recent decades as a time when Herbert Hoover and his allies worked to significantly reform economic policy. Mark Hendrickson both augments and amends this view by studying the origins and development of New Era policy expertise and knowledge. Policy-oriented social scientists in government, trade union, academic and nonprofit agencies showed how methods for achieving stable economic growth through increased productivity could both defang the dreaded business cycle and defuse the pattern of hostile class relations that Gilded Age depressions had helped to set as an American system of industrial relations.