When historians refer to "urban renewal," they are not describing one singular policy. After 1945, as Andrew Highsmith, Irene Holliman, and Guian McKee show, leaders of renewal efforts in Flint, Atlanta, and Philadelphia assumed that a combination of slum clearance, office towers, and expressways would bring white, middle-class people back to downtown. Surprisingly, African American leaders in Flint and Atlanta often cooperated in these plans. In Philadelphia, however, Mayor Frank Rizzo, known as a racist, used renewal funds to create jobs for African American and Puerto Rican women. Federal officials also financed suburbanization, thus channeling resources away from the nation's inner cities and leaving behind a wake of dilapidated infrastructure and racialized poverty. White Americans attributed renewal and suburbanization to the work of markets, overlooking the decisive hand of politicians and public policy. The skewed effects of these renewal and suburbanization programs denote a time "when affirmative action was white."
This article explores the impact of inclusive leadership behaviors on Indigenous voice and the perception of workplace inclusion by Indigenous employees in Vietnam public agencies. Drawing from qualitative research with managers and Indigenous employees in three public organizations, we found that, first, inclusive leadership behaviors promoted workplace diversity by supporting Indigenous presence through recuitment; training and development opportunities; and promotion into decision making roles. Second, inclusive leadership facilitated Indigenous belongingness by accepting Indigenous employees as important group members, and sympathizing with their challenges. Third, in the context of a Confucian and collectivist-influenced country, inclusive leadership played a crucial role in valuing Indigenous uniqueness by encouraging their voice over their work; valuing their contributions; and respecting their differences. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.
Study of the origins of public policy has achieved an important place among historical scholars. For instance, historians have published many valuable studies explaining the origins of regulatory agencies in industries such as natural resources, energy, and transportation, including the origins of agencies responsible for enforcing safety standards. Scholars have treated road construction, the subject of this article, in a similar fashion, seeking to comprehend the principal factors informing the origins of state and federal road building programs. Not surprisingly, then, scholarly examinations of the Interstate Highway System, which exercised such a remarkable influence on the economy, as well as on the social and physical landscapes of the nation, have remained focused on explications of the origins of policy.Perhaps this particular preoccupation has been due to what historians Peter N. Stearns and Joel A. Tarr have identified as a tendency to equate policy origins with “a policy message.” But Stearns and Tarr contend that studies of “origins do not carry such an inherent message and subsequent stages of policy development must also be explored. “
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