Our findings suggest that neither the presence of a learner in a clinical environment nor the trust of the supervisor is sufficient to ensure the learner will attempt a technical skill. We characterise this phenomenon as representing a pool of opportunities to conduct technical skills on live patients that shrinks to a much smaller pool of technical skill attempts. Learners, teachers and educators can use this knowledge to maximise the number of attempts learners make to perform technical skills on real patients.

The focus is on the intersubjective, narrative and dialogic aspects of the clinical phenomenon of insight in psychosis. By introducing a socio-dialogic model for the clinical production of insight, it can be learned how insight, as a form of self-knowledge (of a morbid alteration in one's relation to the world/others), is a product of the clinical interview, namely the dialogic relation between patient and clinical interviewer. Drawing upon the philosophy of Emmanuel Levinas, expressly his notion of the ethical encounter, the production of insight in the clinical interview is elucidated as both a synchronic and diachronic phenomenon—a provisional form of self-knowledge based on historically-produced frames of meaning which are recalled and narrated, i.e., produced at a specific moment in time. The production of insight, based on auto-biographical memory, is ultimately a processual and transactional phenomenon which arises out of the narrative construction of experience and the dialogic negotiation of the individual's "authored" experience. This process may be understood as a synergistic dynamic between intersubjective micro-processes (dialogue) and symbolic macro-processes (such as "culture"), which may, when crystallized at the individual level, precipitate a subjectively insightful account of the prodromal illness experience.

Based on 14 months of ethnographic fieldwork with street youths in a mid-sized city in Ontario, Canada, this paper centers on the ways some street youths are engaging in partial accommodation and selective resistance to Ontario's workfare program; Ontario Works (OW). Owing to its neoliberal reconceptualization in the mid 1990's OW "participants"-in order to receive social assistance-must engage in a documentable effort to pursue employment, practical education or skills-development leading to entry into the labor market. However, many of my informants are unable or unwilling to seek low-wage, precarious work; the only form of work available to them. Through creative interpretation and manipulation of OW rules, I argue that street youth challenge the redefinition of the morality of poverty through OW's neoliberal policies and discursive strategies, and refashion a moral economy based on survival and making do. Their alternative moral economy reveals the limits of the state's reach and effort to domesticate marginalized youths. [street youth, workfare, poverty, neoliberalism, Canada]

Based on ethnographic fieldwork in London, Ontario, Canada, with homeless and street-involved youth in a youth drop-in shelter that I call "At Home", this paper is an ethnographically grounded narrative analysis of interview content and participant observation with a centre focus on my key informant, a youth from Eastern Europe whom I call "Marius". Like many other street youth, Marius lives a life marked by precarity. His daily life is marked by traumatic memories of abandonment and abuse, which has lead to an inability to work; and structural violence facilitated by Ontario's workfare program called Ontario Works, especially its mandate that all "participants" (i.e. those in receipt of social assistance, such as Marius) seek employment or face termination of their social assistance check. For Marius, the recounting of traumatic memories at At Home opened up a shared rhetorical space from which he could narratively align himself vis-à-vis other street youth as a victim of precarity and trauma and therefore absolve himself of the onus to find employment. Regardless of his narrative positioning, he is constantly terminated from Ontario Works for not submitting proof of citizenship and proof of job-seeking activities. In conclusion, the only way for Marius to find any form of solace from his past and the constraints of OW is through isolation: a cultural stance that serves as a coping mechanism, and allows Marius to muddle through each day, all the while holding precarity and its pursuant anxiety and depression at bay.

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