■ This article addresses three interrelated issues. First, it re-assesses the legacy of Yugoslav self-management and looks at the reasons why this particular historical legacy provided labour in Yugoslavia with certain advantages not in evidence elsewhere in East Europe. Second, it tries to give a theoretically founded explanation as to why the paths of Slovenia, Croatia and Serbia diverged in terms of the strength of trade unions. And finally, it proposes a typology within which to organize the experiences that these countries and their labour movements have gone through in the last decade and a half.
Why did nationalism and socialism combine during Serbia's “anti-bureaucratic revolution”? This article critiques the elite-centric approach prevalent in the literature and suggests a cultural argument instead. Three interconnected “elective affinities” brought nationalism and socialism together and separated them from a weak liberal alternative: (1) the emergence of bureaucracy as a “floating signifier”; (2) the search for enemies and a predilection for conspiracy theories; and (3) anti-intellectualism with special emphasis on the search for “one truth.” The elite-centric approach is assessed by looking at actors who, if the thesis is correct, should have been the least likely adopters of nationalist ideas.
This article uses a mixed-methods approach to analyze the relationship between television and protest during East Germany’s revolution. The content of television newscasts, both West German and East German, is analyzed together with protest event data. There are two key findings. First, West German coverage of protests is associated with an increase in protest in the first phase of the revolution. This finding emerges from time series analysis. Second, West German and East German television coverage were interacting, with the latter reacting to the former. This finding emerges from both quantitative and qualitative analysis.
Ovaj rad daje kritički pregled Moderne monetarne teorije (MMT). Riječ je o pristupu ekonomskoj politici koji naglasak stavlja na autonomnu ulogu države, na njen monopolni položaj u sferi izdavanja novca te na mogućnost države da osigura punu zaposlenost kroz program zajamčenog zaposlenja. Rad iznosi glavne teorijske i policy elemente MMT-a, a zatim prikazuje glavne kritike koje se upućuju MMT-u iz liberalne, kejnzijanske i marksističke perspektive. Osim toga, ovaj rad raspravlja i mogućnost da periferne zemlje, poput Hrvatske, primijene ekonomske alate koje preporuča MMT. S obzirom na to da je MMT prešao s terena relativno marginalnih akademskih debata na teren šire političke javnosti, može se očekivati da će utjecati na ekonomsku agendu u narednim godinama.
Anti-immigration sentiments can take on a variety of forms, but a particularly prevalent version across Europe is welfare chauvinism. According to welfare chauvinism, the services of the welfare state should be provided only to natives and not to immigrants. Like many other European countries, German politics also features welfare chauvinism, and not only on the far right segment of the political spectrum. What drives welfare chauvinism? Most studies of welfare chauvinism try to assess whether economic or cultural factors matter most. In an attempt to bridge these perspectives, this article brings in neoliberalism. An examination of survey results from EBRD’s Life in Transition project suggests that neoliberal economic attitudes are a key determinant of welfare chauvinism. German respondents who have neoliberal economic views tend to see immigrants as a drain on the welfare state, while those who have economically leftist views tend to see immigrants as providing a positive contribution.
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