Children aged 7 and 11 years were interviewed about death in the context of two different narratives. Each narrative described the death of a grandparent but one narrative provided a secular context whereas the other provided a religious context. Following each narrative, children were asked to judge whether various bodily and mental processes continue to function after death, and to justify their judgment. Children displayed two different conceptions of death. They often acknowledged that functioning ceases at death and offered appropriate biological justifications for that judgment. However, they also claimed that functioning continues after death and offered appropriate religious justifications. The tendency to claim that functioning continues after death was more frequent among older children than younger children, more frequent in the context of the religious narrative as opposed to the secular narrative and more frequent with respect to mental processes than bodily processes. Particularly among older children, two distinct conceptions of death appear to co-exist: a biological conception in which death implies the cessation of living processes and a metaphysical conception in which death marks the beginning of the afterlife.

Children ranging from 3 to 6 years old were given three tasks to assess their understanding of race as an invariant trait that is biologically transmitted from parents to offspring. Children were asked to: (1) pair offspring with their biological parents on the basis of the physical characteristics associated with race in the face of a distracting cue, namely clothes colour; (2) pair offspring with their biological parents in the context of a trans‐racial adoption; and (3) assess the possibility of changes to their own racial identity. Analysis of pairing responses and justifications showed that 3‐ and 4‐ year‐old children have a limited knowledge of the inheritance and invariance of such racial characteristics, whereas 5‐ and 6‐year‐old children display more consolidated knowledge and coherent responding across the different tasks.

En este artículo exponemos un estudio con 504 niños españoles de 3 a 11 años cuyo objetivo ha sido identificar las primeras manifestaciones de conciencia étnico-racial y su desarrollo en la infancia, un problema abordado por multitud de investigadores en diversos países, desde décadas atrás (Aboud, 1988, Milner, 1984, pero nuevo en el nuestro. Abordamos el estudio con un enfoque metodológico relativamente diferente de los clásicos. Diseñamos una entrevista semiestructurada con material pictórico y preguntas para obtener información sobre la orientación de los niños hacia el color de piel de las personas (sus preferencias, rechazos y su propia identificación), considerando tanto sus conductas de elección como las justificaciones que proporcionan.Nuestros resultados revelan: a) relaciones curvilíneas entre edad y preferencia por el propio color de piel, y entre edad y rechazo a la figura de color negro. Hacia los 6-7 años, la orientación de los niños es marcadamente pro-blanco y anti-negro. A partir de los 9 años, se modifica no tanto el porcentaje de rechazo a otros grupos, sino los argumentos que ofrecen. b) En cuanto a la identificación del propio color de piel, hay una relación lineal entre ésta y la edad. No obstante, se observa un amplio desfase entre lo que parece ser una identificación correcta del propio color (hacia los 5 años) y la toma de conciencia explícita de ese criterio (8 años). Los resultados se comparan con los de otros autores y se discuten en términos de fases en la toma de conciencia étnico-racial (Piaget, 1974, Karmiloff-Smith, 1992. Palabras clave: Desarrollo, preferencias étnico/raciales, identificación étnico/racial, conciencia.

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