This article describes the "rape myth" and tests hypotheses derived from social psychological and feminist theory that acceptance of rape myths can be predicted from attitudes such as sex role stereotyping, adversarial sexual beliefs, sexual conservatism, and acceptance of interpersonal violence. Personality characteristics, background characteristics, and personal exposure to rape, rape victims, and rapists are other factors used in predictions. Results from regression analysis of interview data indicate that the higher the sex role stereotyping, adversarial sexual beliefs, and acceptance of interpersonal violence, the greater a respondent's acceptance of rape myths. In addition, younger and better educated people reveal less stereotypic, adversarial, and proviolence attitudes and less rape myth acceptance. Discussion focuses on the implications of these results for understanding and changing this cultural orientation toward sexual assault.

This article explores three models of sexual harassment derived from previous research, court cases and legal defenses: the Natural/Biological Model, the Organizational Model, and the Sociocultural Model. Data from a large (N=20, 083) stratified random sample of the federal workforce are analyzed in relation to these models. No clear‐cut support for any one model emerges, and the picture of sexual harassment painted by these data appears to be more complex and varied than earlier, self‐selected samples initially suggested. The results are discussed in light of the difficulties of using large‐scale survey techniques to investigate complex cultural phenomena, and suggestions are made for future research approaches that could complement survey techniques.

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Feminist analyses of rape hypothesize that adherence to rape myths affects the inclusiveness or restrictiveness of rape definitions, with numerous practical consequences. The results of this research support that hypothesis. The paper also critiques the experimental vignette methodology frequently used to investigate rape definitions. In the process of exploring its cectral hypothesis, this analysis demonstrates the importance and feasibility of using additional techniques to achieve a fuller understanding of factors affecting rape definitions.

To date, all research on rape recovery has focused on patterns of reduction in negative symptoms—primarily fear, anxiety, depression, and sexual dysfunction. This article reports the first systematic attempt to conceptualize and measure how women grow and change in constructive ways as a consequence of having to cope with a rape and its aftermath. Factor analysis of instruments developed for this research and completed by 113 rape victims yield six dimensions of self-concept, five dimensions of coping techniques, and three dimensions of self-ascribed change. Reliability and validity data for these factors are presented, and the results are discussed in terms of the relations among negative symptomatology, growth outcomes, and self-rating of recovery.