We prospectively determined the prevalence of morbidity from the various forms of diabetic neuropathy over one year in a population of 800 patients with diabetes mellitus (336 type 1, 464 type 2 DM). Symptoms documented were: pain/paraesthesia in the feet, loss of feeling and the restless legs syndrome. We also documented the prevalence of: neuropathic ulcers, amyotrophy, foot drop, and oculomotor palsy. Autonomic symptoms documented were: impotence, postural hypotension and diarrhoea. The only symptoms reported by 100 non-diabetic control subjects were: loss of feeling in 2% and restless legs syndrome in 7%. In the diabetics; pain/paraesthesia was present in 13%, feeling loss in 7% and neuropathic ulcers in 2%. The prevalence of Diabetic amyotrophy (proximal femoral neuropathy) was 0.8%, oculomotor palsy 0.1% and peroneal nerve palsy 0.1%. Erectile impotence was present in 20%, symptomatic postural hypotension in 1% and diabetic diarrhoea in 1%. Overall; 22.9% of the population was afflicted by one or more problems resulting from neuropathy. Neuropathy was associated with older age (p < 0.001), and serious retinopathy (p < 0.001) in both groups of diabetics and with duration of diabetes, proteinuria (p < 0.02), hypertension (p < 0.01) and ischaemic heart disease (p < 0.02) in type 1 diabetics.

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In this article we argue that community development is an expression of the political and politicised assembly of an active citizenry in civil society, and may therefore be characterised as a late modern agorathe ancient Greek concept describing the interface between the public and private spheres of social life. Drawing on Bauman (in Globalization: the Human Consequences, Polity Press, Cambridge, 1998), we argue that the enemy of political association-of the agora-in late modernity is neoliberalism. The meaning of community development as the late modern agora is then explored, and we note the subsequent contestation over its status, as revealed in variant ideological perspectives on the role of civil society. In particular, we identify three dominant understandings and practices of community development: a neoliberal version where civil society is subservient to the needs of economic development; a corporatist version that advocates a partnership between the state, market and civil society; and an activist version, where community development is envisaged as local, nodal and global resistance to neoliberalism. In essence, we are posing the question: 'community development: of, alongside or against neoliberalism?'

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