Objective-To examine the fundamental hypothesis that childhood victimization leads to increased vulnerability for subsequent (re)victimization in adolescence and adulthood and, if so, whether there are differences in rates of experiencing traumas and victimizations by gender, race/ethnicity, and type of childhood abuse and/or neglect. Results-Abused and neglected individuals reported a higher number of traumas and victimization experiences than controls and all types of childhood victimization (physical abuse, sexual abuse, and neglect) were associated with increased risk for lifetime revictimization. Significant group (abuse/ neglect versus control) by gender and group by race/ethnicity interactions were found. Childhood victimization increased risk for physical and sexual assault/abuse, kidnapping/stalking, and having a family friend murdered or commit suicide, but not for general traumas, witnessing trauma, or crime victimization. Methods-UsingConclusions-These findings provide strong support for the need for early intervention with abused and neglected children and their families to prevent subsequent exposure to traumas and victimization experiences.

For decades, battered women's advocates have placed coercive control squarely at the center of their analysis of intimate partner violence. Yet, little work has been done to conceptualize and measure the key construct of coercive control. In this article, we apply French and Raven's social power model to a conceptualization of coercive control in intimate partner violence relationships. Central elements of the model include: social ecology; setting the stage; coercion involving a demand and a credible threat for noncompliance; surveillance; delivery of threatened consequences; and the victim's behavioral and emotional response to coercion. These elements occur in spiraling and overlapping sequences to establish an overall situation of coercive control. The implications of this model for theory and practice are discussed.

The high prevalence of adverse health outcomes related to intimate partner violence (IPV) is well documented. Yet we know little about the pathways that lead to adverse health outcomes. Research concerning the psychological, biological, neurological, behavioral, and physiological alterations following exposure to IPV--many of which are associated with posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD)--represents a promising area of empirical discovery. New technologies and interdisciplinary collaborative efforts are required to integrate diverse methodologies and to apply new findings to improving the health and well being of those affected by IPV. This article focuses on victimization by IPV and addresses the most important research findings in the last 20 years (health and mental health burden of IPV), the most important research issue for the next decade (pathways between IPV and adverse health outcomes), and the most promising methodological innovation for the study of IPV (integrated, interdisciplinary, biobehavioral methodology).

The authors evaluated empirical research addressing the relationship between induced abortion and women's mental health. Two issues were addressed: (a) the relative risks associated with abortion compared with the risks associated with its alternatives and (b) sources of variability in women's responses following abortion. This article reflects and updates the report of the American Psychological Association Task Force on Mental Health and Abortion (2008). Major methodological problems pervaded most of the research reviewed. The most rigorous studies indicated that within the United States, the relative risk of mental health problems among adult women who have a single, legal, first-trimester abortion of an unwanted pregnancy is no greater than the risk among women who deliver an unwanted pregnancy. Evidence did not support the claim that observed associations between abortion and mental health problems are caused by abortion per se as opposed to other preexisting and co-occurring risk factors. Most adult women who terminate a pregnancy do not experience mental health problems. Some women do, however. It is important that women's varied experiences of abortion be recognized, validated, and understood.

This paper describes the extent to which abused and neglected children report intimate partner violence (IPV) victimization and perpetration when followed up into middle adulthood. Using data from a prospective cohort design study, children (ages 0–11) with documented histories of physical and sexual abuse and/or neglect (n = 497) were matched with children without such histories (n = 395) and assessed in adulthood (Mage = 39.5). Prevalence, number, and variety of four types of IPV (psychological abuse, physical violence, sexual violence, and injury) were measured. Over 80% of both groups–childhood abuse and neglect (CAN) and controls–reported some form of IPV victimization during the past year (most commonly psychological abuse) and about 75% of both groups reported perpetration of IPV toward their partner. Controlling for age, sex, and race, overall CAN [adjusted odds ratio (AOR) = 1.60, 95% CI [1.03, 2.49], physical abuse (AOR = 2.52, 95% CI [1.17, 5.40]), and neglect (AOR = 1.64, 95% CI [1.04, 2.59]) predicted increased risk for being victimized by a partner via physical injury. CAN and neglect also predicted being victimized by a greater number and variety of IPV acts. CAN and control groups did not differ in reports of perpetration of IPV, although neglect predicted greater likelihood of perpetrating physical injury to a partner, compared to controls. Abused/neglected females were more likely to report being injured by their partner, whereas maltreated males did not. This study found that child maltreatment increases risk for the most serious form of IPV involving physical injury. Increased attention should be paid to IPV (victimization and perpetration) in individuals with histories of neglect.