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In Indonesia the main staple food is often perceived to be limited to rice consumption. This is perhaps enforced by the beras sejahtera (Rastra) government 2017 program in distributing rice quotas to the economically challenged groups in society, and secondly by the virtue of a strong government focus on "rice self-sufficiency" programs. However, Indonesia has a variety of regional staple food. On Siberut Island the rural diet traditionally includes sago, taro and banana. The availability of those staple foods is chiefly governed by the cultural acquired harvesting skills and the precise pockets that encourage the planting of certain food types on the island. Both, the current government's rice assistance program and the policy to advance rice cultivation, is perhaps at odds with the tradition and land condition, which requires closer investigation. This research was conducted in several villages on Siberut Island, using a qualitative approach and data collection. The main findings showed the potential to increase the yields of traditional staple foods. It was feared the introduction of intensive rice farming would perhaps divert rural resources away from the traditional gathering of local food or the planting of taro and banana trees. This trend could have an adverse effect on rural household food sovereignty.

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In 2012, research in medicinal plant species discovered around 297 different types in the Simanau and Maek villages of the Minangkabau region in West Sumatra, Indonesia. Sixty three of those were considered rare species, endangered with extinction. If it is studied deeply, it is possible that the types of medicinal plants in vilages of the Minangkabau region can amount to thousands of species. For this research, the structure of knowledge on practicing healer understood through ethnographic studies. This research result that the diversity and types of medicinal plants in Simanau village could be classified into four groups. This classification, known as ureh nan ampek, consisting of sitawa (antidote), sidingin (fresh taste), cikarau (defender) and cikumpai (destroyer). This suggests that the practicing healers have knowledge in recognizing the different types of plants that can be used for treatment, and have knowledge about how and what medicinal plants are used. This article attempts to understand the structure of knowledge of the practicing healers in Simanau village about the types and the classification of the medicinal plants.

Semende ataupun komunitas Semendo adalah sebuah kelompok etnik yang tinggal di daerah pegunungan Sumatra Selatan. Sebuah aspek penting dari kultur kehidupan mereka adalah tunggu tubang. Menurut tradisi, kekayaan keluarga yang terdiri dari rumah keluarga dan lahan pertanian, akan diserahkan kepada anak perempuan tertua dalam setiap generasi. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan tradisi tunggu tubang sebagai identitas yang unik yang membedakan komunitas Semende dengan komunitas lain. Disamping untuk menjaga keberlangsungan komunitas, tunggu tubang juga sebagai alat legitimasi untuk kontrol kekuasaan gender oleh laki-laki di masyarakat. Tunggu Tubang sebagai alat legitimasi laki-laki terbukti dari penempatan perempuan “atas nama adat” tampaknya memiliki kekuatan. Maka, komunitas Semende dikenal menggunakan sistem matrilineal. Bagaimanapun, tunggu tubang menguatkan posisi laki-laki yang memposisikan dirinya sebagai meraje, yang “atas bama adat” juga dianggap berhak untukk mengontrol (seringkali sewenang-wenang) keberlanjutan tunggu tubang.[The Semende or also known as Semendo communities are a distinctive ethnic group residing in the mountainous areas of South Sumatra Province. An important aspect of their cultural life is known as tunggu tubang. According to tradition the family’s property, which consist of family house and agricultural fields, are passed on to the eldest daughter in each generation. This article attempts to explain the position of tunggu tubang as a unique identity differentiator of the Semende communities in contrast with other communities. Besides a means to protect the community’s survival, tunggu tubang has developed at the same time as a tool of legitimacy of political gender power control by males in the community. Tunggu tubang as a tool of legitimacy of men is evident from the placement of women “in the name of custom” seem to have power, so the community is often legitimized Semende as matrilineal. However, tunggu tubang is strengthening the position of the man who positioned himself as meraje that “in the name of custom” is also considered to be entitled to control (often arbitrarily) tunggu tubang sustainability.]