The young generation is often overlooked in scientific discourse, although it is the youth (students) who often play a leading role in political and social change in the country. One such case is Ukraine, where it is the young people who started the largest protests in the country's thirty-year independent history. The presented article is an attempt to characterize the Ukrainian generation of «freedom» (Marzęcki, 2020) (youth people born during the period of Ukrainian independence, that are not impact of authoritarian regime socialization) from a socio-political perspective. The main research goal of this article is an endeavour to fully understand, describe and explain the attitude of the young generation (students) towards democracy (the article also includes comparisons to polish youth). This specific objective was achieved by analysing survey data. On the other hand, specific issues and problems identified at the quantitative research stage were examined based on data collected during in-depth interviews with sixteen students in Ukraine. In this sense, a second important specific goal has been achieved, i.e. diagnosis, description and explanation of behavioural patterns (political activity) dominating the social consciousness of students, which are considered justified and effective in relation to the world of politics. Author himself, conducted qualitative (IDI – 16 respondents) and quantitative research (1043 surveys) on a representative group of youth respondents in Ukraine. Quantitative research has been conducted in fourteen universities, preserving the territorial diversification. The results contained in the summary of the article, however, are not very optimistic. It is safe to say that the democratic system is in crisis, and the revolutionary cycle is still probably not completed in Ukraine.

After the Euromaidan 1 (2013) and the war in the East of Ukraine (2014) youth in this country experienced a new situation, i.e., life during the "Hybrid War". The article analyses the situation of the young generation in Ukraine in the frameworks of this new war. In addition to this, the author attempts to answer the question of whether there is a sense of patriotism among the young people related to the defence of the motherland during the Hybrid War. The results show the first experiences of the young people towards the unusual situation in which they find themselves. The new reality requires them to have a thorough understanding of patriotism. Patriotism is based on primary motives related to a sense of duty to their country and striving for unity of sometimes totally different parts of the country. This article shows that Patriotism not only still exists in the young generation, but it is fundamental for the myth that will influence next generations.

Poland and Ukraine have a lot of problems in establishing bilateral remembrance policy, first of all because of the history after World War I, and as well in topic connected to – mostly in frame of stereotypes – the history during The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Deep russification and anti-Polish state policy, which lasted from XVIII to XXI century, implemented by Russians in Ukraine should be underlined as well. Not only “Ukrainian” meant second category, but also world “Polski Pan” (Polish Lord) had a definite pejorative tone then – it was used even in propaganda during Soviet Invasion in 1920 and 1939. In article will ipso facto be presented one of the forgotten heroes (definitely in Ukraine) which can be a symbol of bilateral international relations. Andrij Potebnia should be one of main actors of building Polish-Ukrainian memory cooperation. The text not only reveals how memory of this officer is presented in Polish Internet today, but also how this forgotten hero of two nations is remembered by local communities in Poland.

Ukrainę i Białoruś łączyła wspólna historia, podobna kultura, język i obecnie granica. Mogło się wydawać, że kraje te trudno podzielić i nawet mimo rządów autorytarnych Aleksandra Łukaszenki przyjazne stosunki będą trwać latami. Jednak zbrojna agresja Federacji Rosyjskiej na Ukrainę w lutym 2022 r., w tym atak z terytorium Białorusi, jednoznacznie zniszczył – wydawało się – głęboką współpracę budowaną ponad 30 lat. W artykule autor postara się odpowiedzieć, jak doszło do tego ogromnego zwrotu w stosunkach bilateralnych i czy możliwe są odwrotne działania w przyszłości. A relative who has become an enemy. Revision of Ukrainian-Belarusian relations in 2020-2022 Ukraine and Belarus were linked by a common history, similar culture, language and border. It seemed that these countries were difficult to divide, and despite Alexander Lukashenko’s authoritarian rule, friendly relations would last for years. However, the armed aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine in February 2022, including the attack from the territory of Belarus, clearly destroyed – it seemed – the deep cooperation that had been built for over 30 years. In the article, the author will try to answer how this huge shift in bilateral relations took place, and whether the opposite actions are possible in the future.