Much research suggests that words comprising more than one morpheme are represented in a "decomposed" manner in the visual word recognition system. In the research presented here, we investigate what information is used to segment a word into its morphemic constituents and, in particular, whether semantic information plays a role in that segmentation. Participants made visual lexical decisions to stem targets preceded by masked primes sharing (1) a semantically transparent morphological relationship with the target (e.g., cleaner-CLEAN), (2) an apparent morphological relationship but no semantic relationship with the target (e.g., corner-CORN), and (3) a nonmorphological form relationship with the target (e.g., brothel-BROTH). Results showed significant and equivalent masked priming effects in cases in which primes and targets appeared to be morphologically related, and priming in these conditions could be distinguished from nonmorphological form priming. We argue that these findings suggest a level of representation at which apparently complex words are decomposed on the basis of their morpho-orthographic properties. Implications of these findings for computational models of reading are discussed.

Understanding spoken language requires a complex series of processing stages to translate speech sounds into meaning. In this study, we use functional magnetic resonance imaging to explore the brain regions that are involved in spoken language comprehension, fractionating this system into sound-based and more abstract higher-level processes. We distorted English sentences in three acoustically different ways, applying each distortion to varying degrees to produce a range of intelligibility (quantified as the number of words that could be reported) and collected whole-brain echo-planar imaging data from 12 listeners using sparse imaging. The blood oxygenation level-dependent signal correlated with intelligibility along the superior and middle temporal gyri in the left hemisphere and in a less-extensive homologous area on the right, the left inferior frontal gyrus (LIFG), and the left hippocampus. Regions surrounding auditory cortex, bilaterally, were sensitive to intelligibility but also showed a differential response to the three forms of distortion, consistent with sound-form-based processes. More distant intelligibility-sensitive regions within the superior and middle temporal gyri, hippocampus, and LIFG were insensitive to the acoustic form of sentences, suggesting more abstract nonacoustic processes. The hierarchical organization suggested by these results is consistent with cognitive models and auditory processing in nonhuman primates. Areas that were particularly active for distorted speech conditions and, thus, might be involved in compensating for distortion, were found exclusively in the left hemisphere and partially overlapped with areas sensitive to intelligibility, perhaps reflecting attentional modulation of auditory and linguistic processes.

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Two gating studies, a forced-choice identification study and 2 series of cross-modal repetition priming experiments, traced the time course of recognition of words with onset embeddings (captain) and short words in contexts that match (cap tucked) or mismatch (cap looking) with longer words. Results suggest that acoustic differences in embedded syllables assist the perceptual system in discriminating short words from the start of longer words. The ambiguity created by embedded words is therefore not as severe as predicted by models of spoken word recognition based on phonemic representations. These additional acoustic cues combine with post-offset information in identifying onset-embedded words in connected speech.