In every year between 2004 and 2012, more than 800,000 Americans reported volunteering internationally (Lough ). These volunteers are overwhelmingly white (McBride and Lough ) and entering a largely nonwhite and developing world. This study starts by questioning how racial status informs volunteer/volunteer tourist interactions, both with locals and with other volunteers, in a global context. In‐depth interviews with 23 missionaries, teachers, and volunteers from the United States and Canada reveal that (1) international volunteering is largely motivated by romantic and exotic understandings of the Global South and (2) in spite of a stated interest in cultural immersion, participants’ notions of their whiteness guided their perceptions of Hondurans and their actions as they sought out and retreated to white spaces protected from Honduran influence. These findings further the work of those who have argued first world travelers have homogenized spaces on reserve, by demonstrating that whiteness can be the basis for the construction and maintenance of protected spaces in predominantly nonwhite countries.

Americans are increasingly aware of structural racial disadvantages, and especially aware of Black disadvantage. In turn, this paper asks to what degree do whites interested in undermining systems of oppression and privilege understand their own place within those systems (if at all)? Based on participant observation of four grassroots organizations serving the unhoused and 30 semi-structured interviews with volunteers, I show that even explicitly color-conscious white volunteers, many of whom spoke about structural inequality and systemic racism without prompting, struggled to see how their race was important in their day-to-day service interactions. A general inability to speak about interracial interactions despite many interracial service experiences highlights the pervasive power and privilege embedded in the taken-for-granted nature of whiteness and provides empirical support to the idea that racialized social systems discourage racial self-awareness among whites. These findings have implications for social justice-and/or service-oriented whites who seek to undermine the systems they identify as problematic and emphasize that antiracism is a continuous process.

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This chapter makes sense of armed counter-protest by viewing it as a form of bottom-up, white supremacist “violence work.” Because many of these counter-protestors arm themselves and/or belong to private militias, this movement encroaches on the liberal state's allocation of “violence work”—a form of labor characterized by its ability to forcefully or violently “maintain order”—to a specialized force of government agents (e.g., police and military). This “on the ground” activity is spurred by an interpretation of the historic function of the state, makes a demand that the state continue to serve that function, and works outside the supposed boundaries set by the state to ensure the function is met. By arming themselves, training in techniques that closely resemble those employed by state violence workers, and making themselves especially visible during times of racial justice protest, these groups work to maintain American systems of white supremacy.