When someone breaks their wrist it presents a disruption to everyday routine. Some of this is as a result of having to change travel patterns. This paper investigates the changes people make to their travel behaviour in the light of an unexpected change in their situation caused by fracturing their wrist and wearing a forearm plaster cast. One hundred and eleven participants, approached as they were having their plaster cast removed, completed a questionnaire addressing travel behaviour change, driver safety and information provision covering their time in a plaster cast (typically an average of 5-6 weeks). Eighteen percent of participants drove during the time they had a forearm plaster cast on. All reported they felt safe in doing so and that wearing the plaster cast did not compromise safety, though it was uncomfortable and compensatory behaviours took place. Risk and affective scales did not predict whether participants drove in a cast, suggesting that practical and utilitarian, rather than psychosocial, reasons were the motivation for driving in a plaster cast. Eightytwo percent found other ways of travelling without using their car. Participant's use of buses and trains, walking and taking lifts were all increased and overall, across all modes of transport, participants travelled fewer miles but made more journeys. There was a reduction in cycling, especially for those who drove in a cast, suggesting cyclists who broke their wrist changed to driving while their arm was in a cast. Information provision did not affect whether someone drove or not. Implications for providing travel information to help people avoid car use while their forearm is in a cast and maintaining behaviour change afterwards are discussed.

The effect of the wider social-environment on physical and emotional health has long been an area of study. Extrapolating the impact of the individual's immediate environment, such as living with a smoker or caring for a chronically-ill child, would potentially reduce confounding effects in health-related research. Surveys, including the UK Census, are beginning to collect data on household composition. However, these surveys are expensive, time consuming, and, as such, are only completed by a subsection of the population. Large-scale, linked databanks, such as the SAIL Databank at Swansea University, which hold routinely collected secondary use clinical and administrative datasets, are broader in scope, both in terms of the nature of the data held, and the population. The SAIL databank includes demographic data and a geographic indicator that makes it possible to identify groups of people that share accommodation, and in some cases the familial relationships among them. This paper describes a method for creating households, including considerations for how that information can be securely shared for research purposes. This approach has broad implications in Wales and beyond, opening up possibilities for more detailed population-level research that includes consideration of residential social interactions.