This paper will review the relevant literature about the conceptualisation of the temporary appropriation within the urban environment. A vast review of theoretical and empirical texts reveals that despite the lack of a defined theory in this specific field, the temporary appropriation is a key concept for the understanding of people's sense of belonging to a place, and identity. The paper, therefore, attempts to fill the research gap through an extensive cross-disciplinary literature review that includes topophilia, space production, and environment and behaviour theories. Thus, the aim of the present writing is to frame, within the urban context, the relevance of the temporary appropriation in relation to social sustainability. To do so, it identifies and categorises the temporary appropriation into three main groups of activities featuring the urban landscape.

Historically there has been a rich discussion concerning the function of streets in cities, and their role in urban life. This paper outlines the relevance of temporary appropriation for understanding social dynamics within a given urban environment, looking in particular at activities occurring in the street. It takes as a case study Mexico City Centre and examines the laws and regulations set out by the government of Mexico City which regulate the use of the street. It contrasts this with the ways in which the inhabitants of the city appropriate public space on a daily basis. There is a contrast between the lack of clarity in the legislation surrounding potential activities occurring on the street, and a seemingly tacit consensus between citizens regarding how they appropriate such public spaces. We explore this contrast and outline ways in which public space is used in traditional and unexpected ways, how creative ways are found to use the street area within the spirit of the law, and where further research on this topic this could lead in future.

Mumford (1938) claims that among the physical spaces where the human inborn need to interact occur (town, village, and the city) the city, above all else represents the theatre of social action. The creation of environments that support social interaction in places is therefore a fundamental aim of urban design (Mehta 2013). Mumford's aforementioned definition suggests the existence of a dialog between people and physical space or environment, which is spatialised through people's activities occurring in the space. This dialog has been defined differently over time through expressions such as street ballet by Jacobs (1961) or the space of contact by Choay (2001), which capture the idea of a space where all the different social encounters happen i.e. people playing, walking, sitting on a table drinking a coffee, etc. According to Anderson (Anderson 1986b) the expectation of daily human contact that public space offers is unique. When public spaces do not allow this contact, one of the possible risks is the rise of alienation, which contributes to social stress, space neglecting and crime rates rise. Moreover, since motor vehicles have taken over most of the street space the only place where the street ballet occurs is on the sidewalks. Over time, the street has proved to be a spatial typology able to accomplish the role of public space (Mehta 2013). This accomplishment is reflected on the meaning of public space which is given by society and it is generated through urban design, planning and management; but more important it is produced through the use and appropriation by the users. The street as a spatial element of the city is versatile and susceptible to be transformed. Also when its use is constrained, the street can still host a high degree of activities and variety of uses, it can be reshaped and its boundaries redefined. Even though the citizens

Temporary appropriation (TA) is a re-emerging concept which occurs in the urban social landscape as a multidimensional phenomenon. Intended as multidisciplinary and multi-scalar research, the present paper explores the way in which temporary appropriation could be interpreted as an assemblage product of other assemblages within the urban landscape. It, therefore, seeks to unravel and to rethink the nature of temporary appropriation through interconnected theoretical frameworks such as assemblage theory. Derived from the seminal work of Deleuze and Guattari (1989) and developed further by Manuel DeLanda (2016), assemblage theory focuses on the relations produced by the components of a whole rather than the components themselves. Thus, in the present paper, a diverse range of theories is combined together to conceptualise temporary appropriation as part of the urban landscape and as an emerging product of other assemblages such as culture, legal framework and urban design. These approaches are drawn together by illustrating Mexico City Centre as an example of a highly coded city in which these assemblages emerge. A representative sample street was selected as a case-study to analyse TA in relation to the streetscape design through participant observation and image analysis of the visual complexity of the streetscape. The paper concludes that assemblage theory could be used as a theoretical framework investigating urban-social phenomena. In addition, the study identified the visual complexity of the assemblage of the urban landscape that supports the greater diversity of TA.

Necrotizing enterocolitis (NEC) is a typical disorder of preterm newborns, with a high mortality and morbidity rate. The therapeutic and nutritional management of disease depends on several factors. Its prognosis is linked, in addition to the severity of the disease and the need for surgery, to a correct enteral feeding in these patients. This study aims to identify the clinical characteristics of 18 patients with NEC, evaluating the different therapeutic paths undertaken, the type of formula used and the survival rate of this population. Average time of enteral nutrition before the NEC onset was 11,3 ± 11,6 days, with an average fasting period since the onset of 24 ± 18.9 days. 77.8% of patients received surgery and resumed enteral nutrition 17.7 ± 17.9 days after the intervention. The overall survival rate of our cohort was 55.5%. More prospective studies are needed to evaluate the long-term outcomes of survived children with NEC.