Although the black-white gap in life expectancy has been shrinking in the U.S., national improvement conceals ongoing disparities. Nowhere is this more evident than Washington D.C., where the black-white gap has persistently exceeded 10 years. Using 1999–2017 mortality data from the National Center for Health Statistics, we employed demographic techniques to pursue three aims: first, we created period life tables to examine longevity trends in Washington D.C.; second, we decomposed black-white life expectancy differences into 23 causes of death in three time periods (2000, 2008, 2016); third, we assessed age-specific contributions for each cause of death. Findings revealed that heart disease (4.14 years), homicide (2.43 years), and cancer (2.30 years) contributed most to the 17.23-year gap among males in 2016. Heart disease and cancer contributed most at ages 55–69; homicide contributed most at ages 20–29. Among females in 2016, heart disease (3.24 years), cancer (2.36 years), and unintentional injuries (0.85 years) contributed most to the 12.06-year gap. Heart disease and cancer contributed most at ages 55–69, and unintentional injuries at ages 50–59. Our investigation provides detailed evidence about contributors to the black-white longevity gap in Washington D.C., which can aid in the development of targeted public health interventions.

Background Although the black-white gap in life expectancy has narrowed in the U.S., there is considerable variability across states. In Wisconsin, the black-white gap exceeds 6 years, well above the national average. Reducing this disparity is an urgent public health priority, but there is limited understanding of what contributes to Wisconsin’s racial gap in longevity. Our investigation identifies causes of death that contribute most to Wisconsin’s black-white gap in life expectancy among males and females, and highlights specific ages where each cause of death contributes most to the gap. Methods Our study employs 1999–2016 restricted-use mortality data provided by the National Center for Health Statistics. After generating race- and sex-specific life tables for each 3-year period of observation (e.g., 1999–2001), we trace recent trends in the black-white life expectancy gap in Wisconsin. We subsequently conduct a series of analyses to decompose the black-white gap in three time periods into 13 separate causes and 19 different age groups. Results In 2014–16, Wisconsin’s black-white gap in life expectancy was 7.34 years for males (67% larger than the national gap), and 5.61 years for females (115% larger than the national gap). Among males, homicide was the single largest contributor, accounting for 1.56 years of the total gap. Heart disease and cancer followed, contributing 1.43 and 1.42 years, respectively. Among females, heart disease and cancer were the two leading contributors to the gap, accounting for 1.12 and 1.00 years, respectively. Whereas homicide contributed most to the racial gap in male longevity during late adolescence and early adulthood, heart disease and cancer exerted most of their influence between ages 50–70 for both males and females. Other notable contributors were unintentional injuries (males), diabetes and cerebrovascular disease (females), and perinatal conditions (males and females). Conclusions Our study identifies targets for future policy interventions that could substantially reduce Wisconsin’s racial gap in life expectancy. Concerted efforts to eliminate racial disparities in perinatal mortality and homicide early in the life course, and chronic conditions such as cancer and heart disease in later life, promise to help Wisconsin achieve the public health objective of racial parity in longevity. Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (10.1186/s12889-019-7145-y) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.

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We evaluate two models that may explain variation in the inclusiveness of governments and their ability to provision public goods. The revenue model predicts that a government's source of revenue determines whether elites invest in effective bureaucracy and the provision of public goods that benefit wide swaths of society or the extraction of resources from society to benefit a limited network. In this model, a cooperative society with high social capital is an outcome of effective, collective government. The combined model predicts that social capital has a semi-independent causal effect, in addition to revenue, on the inclusiveness of governments. Our results indicate that the combined model of collective governance fits the data on U.S. states better than the revenue model alone. The combined model of governance predicts that revenue and social capital moderate the population size-political complexity relationship, and data from the U.S. states are consistent with these predictions.

To assess trends in life expectancy and the contribution of specific causes of death to Native American-White longevity gaps in the Four Corners states, we used death records from the National Center for Health Statistics and population estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau from 1999–2017 to generate period life tables and decompose racial gaps in life expectancy. Native American-White life expectancy gaps narrowed between 2001 and 2012 but widened thereafter, reaching 4.92 years among males and 2.06 years among females in 2015. The life expectancy disadvantage among Native American males was primarily attributable to motor vehicle accidents (0.96 years), liver disease (1.22 years), and diabetes (0.78 years). These causes of deaths were also primary contributors to the gap among females, forming three successive waves of mortality that occurred in young adulthood, midlife, and late adulthood, respectively, among Native American males and females. Interventions to reduce motor vehicle accidents in early adulthood, alcohol-related mortality in midlife, and diabetes complications at older ages could reduce Native American-White longevity disparities in the Four Corners states.