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A review of rigorous evaluations of interventions that seek to empower women economically shows that the same class of interventions has significantly different outcomes depending on the client. Capital alone, as a small cash loan or grant, is not sufficient to grow women-owned subsistence-level firms. However, it can work if it is delivered in-kind to more successful women microentrepreneurs, and it should boost the performance of women's larger-sized SMEs. Very poor women need a more intensive package of services than do less poor women to break out of subsistence production and grow their businesses. What works for young women does not necessarily work for adult women. Skills training, job search assistance, internships, and wage subsidies increase the employment levels of adult women but do not raise wages. However, similar interventions increase young women's employability and earnings if social restrictions are not binding. Women who run subsistence-level firms face additional social constraints when compared to similar men, thus explaining the differences in the outcomes of some loans, grants, and training interventions that favor men. Social constraints may also play a role in explaining women's outcome gains that are short-lasting or emerge with a delay. The good news is that many of the additional constraints that women face can be overcome by simple, inexpensive adjustments in program design that lessen family and social pressures. These include providing capital in-kind or transacted through the privacy of a mobile phone and providing secure savings accounts to nudge women to keep the money in the business rather than to divert it to non-business uses. JEL Codes: J16, J24, L25, L26, M53, O12The observed disparity between the sexes in productivity and earnings is persistent and pervasive. The value added per worker is between 6 percent and 35 percent lower in female-owned than in male-owned firms; female-managed farms are 20 percent to 80 percent less productive than male-managed farms; in the workplace, The World Bank Research Observer Interventions were assessed according to the strength of empirical evidence. They were judged as proven when the evidence was robust, with more than one credible evaluation yielding similar results across different settings or circumstances. Promising interventions were backed by positive findings from one credible study or its equivalent. Unproven interventions yielded no evidence of positive effects on productivity and earnings for the categories of women and settings evaluated.Measuring changes in the productivity and earnings of individual women is straightforward conceptually but much less so practically, especially for women in low-income settings who farm or are self-employed and have highly variable earnings (Rosenzweig 2012; World Bank 2013). In response, many of the studies reviewed used a variety of intermediate outcomes for women working in selfemployment and farming, including growth in women's physical and financial assets, improvements in the stability of...

Violent conflict, a pervasive feature of the recent global landscape, has lasting impacts on human capital, and these impacts are seldom gender neutral. Death and destruction alter the structure and dynamics of households, including their demographic profiles and traditional gender roles. To date, attention to the gender impacts of conflict has focused almost exclusively on sexual and genderbased violence. We show that a far wider set of gender issues must be considered to better document the human consequences of war and to design effective postconflict policies. The emerging empirical evidence is organized using a framework that identifies both the differential impacts of violent conflict on males and females (first-round impacts) and the role of gender inequality in framing adaptive responses to conflict (second-round impacts). War's mortality burden is disproportionately borne by males, whereas women and children constitute a majority of refugees and the displaced. Indirect war impacts on health are more equally distributed between the genders. Conflicts create households headed by widows who can be especially vulnerable to intergenerational poverty. Second-round impacts can provide opportunities for women in work and politics triggered by the absence of men. Households adapt to conflict with changes in marriage and fertility, migration, investments in children's health and schooling, and the distribution of labor between the genders. The impacts of conflict are heterogeneous and can either increase or decrease preexisting gender inequalities. Describing these gender differential effects is a first step toward developing evidence-based conflict prevention and postconflict policy.

Findings from Chile, Barbados, Guatemala, and Mexico are reviewed in this article to shed light on the consequences of adolescent childbearing for mothers' economic and social opportunities and the well-being of their first-born children. The studies include retrospective information and a comparison group of adult childbearers to account for the effects of background factors (poverty) and the timing of observations. The findings show that early childbearing is associated with negative economic rather than social effects, occurring for poor rather than for all mothers. Among the poor, adolescent childbearing is associated with lower monthly earnings for mothers and lower child nutritional status. Also, among this group of women only, improvements in the child's well-being are associated with mother's education and her contribution to household income. These findings suggest that social policy that expands the educational and income-earning opportunities of poor women could help to contain the intergenerational poverty associated with early childbearing among the poor.

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