PurposeThe objective of this contribution is to pinpoint the practices of users' interactions with sharing economy platforms in Russia, as well as explore the source of motivation to use such platforms on the three cases of sharing economy platforms in Russia: Darudar [Gift-to-gift] (sharing goods), Bank Vremeny [Timebank] (sharing time and services) and Couchsurfing (sharing accommodation and leisure).Design/methodology/approachEmpirical data were gathered from 25 in-depth interviews conducted for active users of the platforms and ethnographic observations of users' offline meetings as well as digital observations.FindingsThe results reveal that participants of the platforms tend to establish their own rules and norms of interaction, thus, fostering social connection. Findings suggest that users of sharing economy platforms are driven by the potential of minimising transaction costs and intrinsic motivation, such as getting experiences which have no market alternatives, upcycling and disposal of belongings, self-promotion and self-realisation.Original/valueIn this study, sharing as based in the sharing economy is conceptualised as a separate principle of resource allocation. The theory was applied to the empirical material of three Russian platforms, which has not been done previously in the paradigm of sharing. The current literature on the sharing economy is largely switched to the for-profit North American platforms, while case studies from other settings are lacking. This article aims to fill this gap by providing insights into non-profit platforms' operation in Russia.

This article offers a state‐of‐art review of previous research in the field of sharing economy. It explores the definitional dilemma and presents the research field of sharing economy as a contested one. In an attempt to contribute to the numerous efforts of ordering, summarizing and characterizing sharing economy, the article further unpacks the debates driving the emergent sharing economy field. First, it is a debate on the role and place of ICT and platform technologies in sharing economy. Second, the article explores the role and place of economic interest in sharing economy, placing the empirical reality of sharing economy along a broad spectrum from for‐profit enterprises to non‐profit community sharing projects. Third, the paper analyses the question of ownership and its transfer in sharing economy, exploring its positioning vis‐à‐vis gift economy, and short‐term renting and lending. It further analyses relationships between stakeholders (private individuals and business actors) participating in sharing economy, presents the overview of literature on the three transactional models in sharing economy, Business to Consumer (B2C), Business to Business (B2B), and Peer to Peer (P2P). Finally, the paper suggests future research avenues. This study highlights the lack of research looking at sharing outside of the purview of market exchange. It is suggested that the definition of sharing economy and research in the field should focus on P2P activities. Furthermore, it is suggested that the configuration of the sharing economy should be understood from a field perspective. Field‐level studies of issues that bring together various actors in debates on sharing economy should allow for understanding further development of sharing economy.

Over the past decade there has been an enormous rise in alternative forms of economic organization, such as the sharing economy -an under-theorized and contradictory empirical phenomenon. The paper studies the variety of interaction practices and motivations for participation and identifies common and specific features of self-organization by comparing three platforms: Darudar (sharing goods), Bank Vremeni [Time Bank] (sharing time and services) and Couchsurfing (sharing accommodation and leisure).The data, which was triangulated, includes: (i) 25 in-depth interviews conducted with experts and active users of the platforms, (ii) ethnography from participant observation of users' offline meetings, (iii) systematic online observation. This study employs a blended ethnography/ netnography approach -studying the sharing economy communities both online and face-to-face to provide 'thick' description of community-building.We theorize that sharing in the sharing economy is a separate principle of resource allocation, which is characterized by the priority of goods over the structure of relations between parties. In contrast to the reciprocity principle, the recipient in sharing is selected with respect to a fixed amount of resources which the donor possesses. Sharing is moving far beyond the boundaries of kindred, friend, partner or other personal relationships, as far as the counterparty is selected among the participants of an extended network of social contacts. The circle of people who can enjoy the benefits of a joint resource expands to the many thousands of users of the virtual sharing platform. What motivates the well-resourced users of the sharing economy platforms, who possess economic and cultural capital, to become practitioners of sharing? Aspiration for communitybuilding, deriving from the extrapolation of the self to the aggregate level: the 'extended self'. Sharing contributes to a sense of an imaginary community, making ourselves an integral part. Practically, sharing transforms into a ritual chain: from the preparation of resources for exchange to the choice of counteragent, communication before the act of sharing, during and 149 , pp. 148-171 after, all of which create a full part of social life. When offering to share material and immaterial objects, participants of the platforms offer a part of themselves -talents and opportunities, communication and empathy, belonging to cultural tradition. In return, they receive a means of reducing loneliness and overcoming social alienation. The Sharing Economy and its Paradoxes: A Sociological Study of Sharing Communities in Russia

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