Domicide, the intentional destruction of home, is a concept first conceived by Canadian geographers Porteous and Smith in 2001. In the current global sociopolitical landscape, domicide and its impact is writ large, present in both the Global North and South, and spanning a variety of scales, from mass displacement through the Syrian civil war to controversial UK housing policy. However, it has been underrepresented in critical geographies of home literature. This paper calls for a resurrection and recasting of the term, highlighting the multitude of contexts in which rethinking domicide provides an important contribution towards the expansion of critical geographies of home scholarship. The paper focuses on four areas of geography in which scholars have begun to explore and extend the term: emerging literature concerning home unmaking; socio-symbolic domicide in the geopolitical context; domicide and heteronormativity in post-disaster home loss; and agency and resistance to domicide through both political activism and banal resistances of the everyday. In sum, this fourfold exploration highlights both the current and potential contributions of domicide towards expanding critical geographies of home.
Cities across the world are in the grip of an intensifying housing crisis, in which access to affordable, secure, and appropriate housing is increasingly inaccessible for the majority. There is rising pressure on stakeholders to find solutions but, simultaneously, persistent opposition to housing models that contest the neoliberal logics which prioritise housing's financialisation. In this context, many proposed and developed "solutions" have focused on how housing canin the words of one entry to an architectural competition-"GET SMALLER." Termed "microliving," a trend is emerging for housing models that shrink living spaces, either by providing self-contained units at below minimum space standards or by offering "co-living" tenancies in small private rooms with access to shared communal spaces. Presented as innovative and aspirational, micro-living distinguishes itself from unequivocally problematic small housing, such as Hong Kong's "coffin homes" or the UK's "beds-in-sheds." While micro-living is transforming ways of imagining, producing, and inhabiting cities, it has, as yet, been little explored by geographers. Responding to this gap, this paper traces the emerging geographies of micro-living in major Western cities and demonstrates the importance of the topic in Geography. As well as detailing micro-living's typologies, we excavate the lineages of micro-living and consider the discourses it draws on in self-presenting as an aspirational form of homemaking. In doing so, we highlight some of the issues that micro-living responds to, exacerbates, and entrenches, including the stunted opportunities of millennials since the 2008 recession and the precarity of contemporary labour economies. K E Y W O R D S co-living, housing crisis, micro-living, precarity 1 | INTRODUCTION In 2015, New London Architecture (NLA)a UK-based research forumran a competition looking for ways to alleviate the housing crisis. It was met with manifold suggestions of ways that housing can, in the words of one entry, "GET SMALLER!" The competition exposed the explosion of interest and investment in what has been termed "micro-living"; living spaces that don't conform to current minimum space standards. The British Property Federation (2018) has defined three kinds of micro-living: "self-contained living spaces," purpose built co-living developments, and converted and subdivided shared living spaces. Micro-living is rapidly growing and now a feature of housing economies in cities including London,
In recent years, precarity has emerged as a key concept in the social and political sciences. The concept stems from the work of political theorists such as Judith Butleri and Lauren Berlantii, which distinguishes between precariousness, an inherent state of vulnerability and dependence resulting from the relational structure of society, and precarity, a political condition that is the consequence of uneven power relations, and refers to the exacerbation of the precariousness of some subjects as compared to others.In geographical scholarship, precarity has primarily been explored in relation to the disintegration of security within labour marketsiii. This has been particularly pertinent, especially in the Global North context, in the aftermath of the 2008 recession and ensuing culture of austerityiv. However, there remains limited attention regarding how precarity has been culturally, as well as socially and economically, entrenched. This is despite the fact that, as we argue, the reproduction of precarious conditions is now, perhaps most significantly, a cultural reproduction, operating through imaginaries of and assumptions about how day to day life is, and should be, lived. This special issue therefore provides timely perspectives on the cultural geographies of precarity. It does so in two key ways. Firstly, it highlights how precarity is mediated through a set of collective affects and imaginaries that both normalise and actively celebrate precarious modes of living in contemporary society, by branding them, for example, as innovative, flexible and entrepreneurialv.
At a time of acute housing crisis, hotels are increasingly being deployed to give temporary shelter to homeless families in wealthy cities. This paper explores the socio‐political implications of the use of hotels for temporary accommodation, drawing on research conducted in Dublin. Specifically, we argue that the housing of homeless families in hotels exposes how they are made out of place in the city, even in the spaces allocated to house them. Hotels are spaces designed for the respite of others but, for homeless families, they conversely offer no relief and are even actively disruptive to their lives. The paper explores three ways in which hotels, presumed to provide restorative breaks from everyday routines, conversely act as points of rupture for homeless families. First, we consider how hotels are marketed as spaces where social reproductive work can be enjoyably put on hold. However, we argue that these perceived conveniences are experienced as disruptive for families forced to live in hotels for months, even years, at a time. Second, we explore the juxtaposition between the well‐being and health benefits hotels are designed to offer guests and the devastating physical and mental health implications for homeless families living in hotels. Third, we compare how hotel management and marketing emphasise the importance of customer service as integral to a hotel's success, while simultaneously shaming and stigmatising homeless residents. The paper concludes by calling for greater attention to be paid to how hotels, normally considered sites of rest, become sites of rupture when used as temporary accommodation, exacerbating the stigmatisation and threats to well‐being that homeless families suffer.
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