Toplum olarak ağaçlara bakış açımızla ilgili ayrışmış durumda olduğumuz ileri sürülebilir. Bir yanda doğal ekosistemlerin savunucuları, öte yanda ağacı değersiz bir engel olarak gören bir bakış açısı var. Bu toplumsal bağlamda, 2018'den bu yana kentlerimizin gündeminde olan millet bahçeleri projesi özellikle büyük kentlerdeki açık-yeşil alan gereksinimi düşünüldüğünde olumlu bir girişim gibi gözükse de, bu projenin tam olarak irdelenmesi gereken birçok boyutu söz konusudur. Bu yazıda millet bahçeleri konusu şimdiye kadar yapılmış araştırmalara dayanarak, ekolojik, ekonomik, siyasal, simgesel-ideolojik ve toplumsal-kültürel boyutlarıyla değerlendirilmektedir. Bu değerlendirmenin ardından, Jane Jacobs'un Büyük Amerikan Kentlerinin Ölümü ve Yaşamı eserindeki özellikle, mahalle parklarına ilişkin çözümlemelerinden yararlanarak, konunun planlama boyutu tartışılmaktadır. Bu çalışmada "Millet bahçelerine Jane Jacobs ne derdi?" sorusuna Jacobs'un adı geçen kitabından esinli yorum ve değerlendirmeler yoluyla bir yanıt aranmaktadır. Böylelikle, Türkiye kentlerinin gündemindeki millet bahçeleri konusu Jacobs'un geleneksel kentsel planlama anlayışı karşısında benimsediği aynı analitik tutumla sorunsallaştırılmaktadır.

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Social inequality, defined as “unequal rewards and opportunities for different individuals within a group or groups within a society” is multi-dimensional, including legal status, opportunities and outcomes, and different sociological perspectives approach it differently (Scott, 2014, p. 352). Inequalities of access to opportunities and resources have deeper structural inequalities—social class, gender, locality, etc.—underneath (Hamnett, 2019). These structural inequalities are reproduced through social systems, such as education, across generations. One aspect of social inequality in today’s cities concerns transport inequality. This simply refers to the transport advantages of the rich compared with the poor (Gebresselassie and Sanchez, 2019). Mobility research is connected to social and environmental sustainability ideals. This line of research emphasizes the fact that marginal urban communities are disadvantaged in multiple ways: income, employment, health, education, environment, housing and mobility, such as reduced access to public transport. The transport inequality intersects with other forms of marginalization as well, based on gender, age, disability, and ethnicity. Yet for the mobile or kinetic elite (Andreotti, Le Gallès, and Moreno-Fuentes, 2013), all places and transport means are readily available. Furthermore, transport-related mega-projects accentuate the existing social inequalities of the neoliberal city. However, urban policy makers have begun to realize the importance of transport inequality and develop inclusive policies, such as “accessibility planning” in the UK (Lucas, 2012). Urban citizens are also forming mobility justice movements to protest against the increasing transport costs, as in Latin America (Díaz Pabón and Palacio Ludeña, 2021) and France. Hence, this paper will study the relationship between mobility and inequality.

Urban researchers, even those who are cautious about fads in terminology, will be intrigued by Federico Cugurullo's critical thinking and analysis of the eco-city, smart-city, artificial intelligence (AI), and autonomous city concepts. Using an entertaining analogy between the implementation of these concepts in today's cities and the fictitious Frankenstein character, Frankenstein Urbanism is a thorough examination of these on-going urban experiments through two case studies-of Masdar City in Abu Dhabi and Hong Kong-revealing their distance from sustainability goals and the underlying factors for that distance. The author works through these concepts and their implementations in three sections (across eight chapters), addressing ecological urbanism and smart urbanism theories, their experiments in practice, and a final thematic discussion of the city's "apocalypse." In the latter, he "unveils the outcomes of the urban experiments examined earlier, questioning their sustainability and interrogating the reasons why, like Frankenstein's monster, they fail to be sustainable" (p. 124). In doing so, Cugurullo also develops the notions of Frankenstein urbanism and urban equations-as the formula behind these urban experiments to achieve sustainability-as a theory of urban reason. Despite the technological nature of the topic, the book's ideas are easy to follow because of the underlying Frankenstein analogy.The book's discussions are up-to-date, and are particularly relevant given the debates raised as a result of the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on urban living and the accompanying uneven access to basic goods and services, including education, food, health, housing, transport, and work. The justice and equity emphasis in much of