A number of location models for the siting of public facilities have been developed in the past decade. Most of these models have been structured in a manner that ignores the obnoxious side of the service that such facilities may generate. Several approaches have, however, been outlined that deal with the obnoxious characteristics of facility location [I, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 91.' One recently developed model is Orloff s net accessibility model [ 71. This model locates a set of facilities such that:The level of service provided to any individual in neighborhood i is at least Si; The cost of disbenefit obtained by having services available for any individual in neighborhood i should be no greater than 4..Orloff has suggested that one approach to public facility siting would be to find the smallest number of facilities such that conditions 1 and 2 are satisfied. He has structured an approach by suggesting that distances can be utilized as measures of cost and service level. This means that each neighborhood i should be at least Aj distance from each facility providing the service (such as a fire station) and no farther than Sj distance from the closest facility providing the service. If Ai = O for all j , the problem becomes that of Toregas's location set-covering problem [ 8 ] .Toregas suggested that Si for demand i in the location set-covering problem could be expressed as 1. 2. Si= K / P , , 'This list of references is not intended to be comprehensive, but represents several types of examples. Richard L. Church is assistant professor of cioil engineering, Kenneth L. Roberts is graduate fellow in civil engineering and Thomas L. Bell is associate profasor of geography, University of Tennessee. 0016-7363/79/0179-09$00.50/0 GEOGRAPHICAL ANALYSIS, vol. 11, no.

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Over the past 40 years, poverty among the inhabitants of U.S. inner cities has remained stubbornly resistant to public policy prescriptions. Especially for AfricanIt is now more than 12 years since the publication of William J. Wilson and Robert Aponte's (1985) survey of urban poverty in the United States. That report still stands alone as an effort to produce "a state of the art review of research and theoretical writing on urban poverty" (Wilson and Aponte, 1985). However, in the intervening years, there has been much work on and even more debate about the nature and causes of poverty in U.S. inner cities. Much of the contribution, indeed, may be attributed to Wilson, who has sparked a new round of work in the field. At the same time, there has been a wave of interest in reform that is intended to respond to the seemingly intractable nature of urban poverty. This article surveys both the research on and the controversies over its validity and its policy implications. It is not comprehensive, but it does attempt to make sense of an enormous body of ideas and research that bear on the topic of inner-city poverty. It seeks to clarify the principal themes of urban poverty that seem to us to be part of current intellectual discourse. We do this by suggesting hypotheses about inner-city poverty that are part of the debates about its causes and what should be done.

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