Word-initial /s/-consonant clusters do not occur in Spanish. Confronted with such sequences (e.g., in loanwords), Spanish speakers tend to perceive an illusory initial /e/, ‘repairing’ the illicit sequence. In two experiments, both conducted in Spanish with Spanish-sounding nonwords, we ask whether knowledge of English, which has no restriction against this sound sequence, weakens this pattern of perceptual repair in fluent Spanish–English bilinguals, and whether the effects of English depend on language dominance. In both identification and discrimination tasks, bilinguals exhibited weaker perceptual repair effects relative to Spanish monolinguals. This was true even for bilinguals dominant in Spanish, though the weakening was more pronounced for English-dominant bilinguals. These results show that conflicting phonotactic systems can jointly influence bilinguals’ perceptual repair of the acoustic signal in the more restrictive language, even when it is the bilingual's dominant language, suggesting a degree of integration and mutual influence of knowledge between both their languages.

Second-language (L2) speech is consistently slower than first-language (L1) speech, and L1 speaking rate varies within- and across-talkers depending on many individual, situational, linguistic, and sociolinguistic factors. It is asked whether speaking rate is also determined by a language-independent talker-specific trait such that, across a group of bilinguals, L1 speaking rate significantly predicts L2 speaking rate. Two measurements of speaking rate were automatically extracted from recordings of read and spontaneous speech by English monolinguals (n = 27) and bilinguals from ten L1 backgrounds (n = 86): speech rate (syllables/second), and articulation rate (syllables/second excluding silent pauses). Replicating prior work, L2 speaking rates were significantly slower than L1 speaking rates both across-groups (monolinguals' L1 English vs bilinguals' L2 English), and across L1 and L2 within bilinguals. Critically, within the bilingual group, L1 speaking rate significantly predicted L2 speaking rate, suggesting that a significant portion of inter-talker variation in L2 speech is derived from inter-talker variation in L1 speech, and that individual variability in L2 spoken language production may be best understood within the context of individual variability in L1 spoken language production.

Both the timing (i.e., when) and amount (i.e., how much) of language exposure affect language-learning outcomes. We compared speech recognition accuracy across three listener groups for whom the order (first versus second) and dominance (dominant versus non-dominant) of two languages, English and Spanish, varied: one group of Spanish heritage speakers (SHS; L2-English dominant; L1-Spanish non-dominant) and two groups of late onset L2 learners (L1-dominant English/Spanish learners and L1-dominant Spanish/English learners). Sentence-final word recognition accuracy in both English and Spanish was assessed across three “easy” versus “difficult” listening conditions: (1) signal-to-noise ratio (SNR; +5 dB SNR versus 0 dB SNR), (2) sentence predictability (high versus low sentence predictability), and (3) speech style (clear versus plain speech style). Overall, SHS English recognition accuracy was equivalent to that of the L1-dominant English Spanish learners, whereas SHS Spanish recognition accuracy was substantially lower than that of the L1-dominant Spanish English learners. Moreover, while SHS benefitted in both languages from the “easy” listening conditions, they were more adversely affected by (i.e., they recognized fewer words) the presence of higher noise and lower predictability in their non-dominant L1 Spanish compared to their dominant L2 English. These results identify both a benefit and limit on the influence of early exposure. Specifically, the L2-dominant heritage speakers displayed L1-like speech recognition in their dominant-L2, as well as generally better recognition in their non-dominant L1 than late onset L2 learners. Yet, subtle recognition accuracy differences between SHS and L1-dominant listeners emerged under relatively difficult communicative conditions.

The present study provides evidence of a positive correlation between L1 and L2 intelligibility for bilingual talkers. Each talker in a group of Mandarin-English and Korean-English bilinguals was recorded producing simple sentences in each of their languages. The recordings were then presented to native listeners of the language-being-spoken in a test of sentence-in-noise recognition to yield a pair of L1 and L2 intelligibility scores for each talker based on the proportion of words correctly recognized. For all talkers, their L2 speech (i.e., Mandarin-or Korean-accented English) was consistently lower in intelligibility than their L1 speech (i.e., native accented Mandarin or Korean). This dissociation between L1-L2 speech intelligibility was evident in different intelligibility scores at comparable signal-to-noise ratios (as much as 35 percentage points for the Mandarin-English bilinguals) and in the required boost in signal-to-noise ratio to achieve comparable intelligibility (>8-10 dB). Critically, L1 and L2 intelligibility scores within the bilingual talkers were strongly positively correlated: Talkers with relatively high intelligibility in L1 also achieved relatively high intelligibility in L2. These results indicate a persistent influence of talker-specific trait characteristics that combine with, rather than are overwhelmed by, language-specific and dominance-dependent influences in bilingual speech production.

This study asks whether speech recognition by bilingual listeners in each of their two languages follow complementary or supplementary patterns. Previous studies showed that early bilinguals are disproportionately affected by adverse listening conditions in L2 (Mayo et al., 1997; Shi et al, 2010; Bradlow & Alexander, 2007), but did not measure performance in L1. The current study extends these results using bilingual performance under adverse listening conditions in both languages to determine whether reduced use of the dominant language by relatively well-balanced bilinguals affects performance in L1 as well as L2. We examine two groups of English-Spanish bilinguals: Spanish learners (SL) and Spanish heritage speakers (SHS). Although both English dominant, crucial differences between these groups are L1 (SL=English, SHS=Spanish) and L1-L2 balance (SL=large imbalance, SHS=relatively balanced). Both groups were presented with sentences in English and Spanish in which final keywords varied on three factors: speech style (clear versus plain/conversational), contextual predictability (high versus low), and signal-to-noise ratio (easier versus harder). Results show SHS do not pattern like monolinguals in either language, yet average performance across both languages is higher than SL. This result suggests the overall system SHS maintain is “larger” than SL, but may be more susceptible to noise.