The challenge of the e–Economy is one of technological change and the innovation process affords insights into how this new knowledge can be harnessed across the economy to increase productivity and generate wealth. The conceptual framework for this paper is National Systems of Innovation (NSI) as applied to Australia Edquist (1997); Freeman (1995). NSI allows us to take a holistic view of innovation that realistically blends technology with institutional elements, particularly including issues of collaboration. Taking a Long View (Schwartz (1991), that is, looking back on the legacy of experience with the innovation process, will also facilitate looking forward strategically from Australia’s current practices, and to speculate on the prospects. This paper illustrates selectively and not comprehensively, from my own direct experience, the evolution of innovation policies in Australia and speculates on their implications for collaboration in the e–Economy by drawing on selected case studies in Research and Development, Industry and Trade, and the e–Economy. It also draws upon work for my doctorate in knowledge management at the University of Technology. The selection and synthesis of theory inevitably also reflect, however idiosyncratically, my academic training in engineering, politics and economics.

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Political corruption affects each nation-state differently, but the outcomes are nominally the same: a deficit of public trust, weakened government institutions and undermined political systems. This article analyzes issues of political corruption in Australia by framing them within a national integrity ecosystem (NIE) and addressing them against the proposed Commonwealth Integrity Commission (CIC) 2020 bill. It also discusses prevalent ‘grey’ areas of Australian politically-corrupt behavior where they interact with the private sector: the revolving door, political donations, and lobbying; and the state of Australia’s implementation of the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention. This article argues for their inclusion within the mandated scope of the proposed CIC. There is a need for strong legislation, both domestic and international, to fight corruption. This article then discusses the application of the provisions of the draft Anticorruption Protocol to the UN Convention Against Corruption (APUNCAC) that may apply with respect to these ‘grey’ issues, and how an International Anti-Corruption Court may provide another institutional model for Australia to follow. Finally, this article links these proposals to the 2021 UN General Assembly Special Session (UNGASS) on Corruption and the 9th Conference of States Parties on the UNCAC (COSP9). These events illustrate multilateral momentum and progress on anti-corruption. As a country that has historically supported the UN multilateral framework and its institutions, this article recommends a proactive approach for Australia so that the passing of a strong domestic anticorruption initiative will contribute to the adoption, and eventual ratification, of the APUNCAC.

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This paper reviews the experience of anti-corruption commissions in the region and argues that the debate on the establishment of a national anti-corruption body in Australia is dependent on the country's political culture, institutions and elites. Corruption and integrity coexist and are conceived as the obverse and converse respectively, of a functional and dysfunctional system. Anti-corruption bodies in the Asia-Pacific region are compared against applicable global anti-corruption frameworks, policies and principles. The paper proposes a conceptual model for a National Integrity Ecosystem (NIE), premised on community values and trust and situates the Australian experience within such an ecosystem. A federal anticorruption watchdog is the missing piece in Australia's institutional infrastructure. Its acceptance and effectiveness requires difficult and sustained change in the underlying political culture of the country and its elites.