W hen the economy in a single country contracts, voters often punish the government. When many economies contract, voters turn against their governments much less frequently. This suggests that the international context matters for the domestic vote, yet most research on electoral accountability assumes that voters treat their national economies as autarkic. We decompose two key economic aggregates-growth in real gross domestic product and unemployment-into their international and domestic components and demonstrate that voters hold incumbents more electorally accountable for the domestic than for the international component of growth. Voters in a wide variety of democracies benchmark national economic growth against that abroad, punishing (rewarding) incumbents for national outcomes that underperform (outperform) an international comparison. Tests suggest that this effect arises not from highly informed voters making direct comparisons but from "pre-benchmarking" by the media when reporting on the economy. The effect of benchmarked growth exceeds that of aggregate national growth by up to a factor of two and outstrips the international component of growth by an even larger margin, implying that previous research may have underestimated the strength of the economy on the vote.

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Traditional accounts of clientelism typically focused on patron–client relations with minimal scope for citizen autonomy. Despite the heightened agency of many contemporary citizens, most studies continue to depict clientelism as a phenomenon that is firmly under elite control. The prevailing tendency is to view clientelism as a top-down process in which machines target citizens with offers of material benefits. Without denying the importance of elites, we emphasize the role of citizen demands in clientelism. Citizens often approach machines of their own volition to ask for help and may vote for a competitor if requests are unfulfilled. In response to these citizens, machines often engage in what we call “request fulfilling.” Interviews with citizens and politicians, coupled with cross-national survey data from Africa and Latin America, suggest the importance of this phenomenon. In addition, Argentine survey data in studies by Stokes and Nichter are better explained by request fulfilling than alternative explanations.

We study the targeting of political advertising by presidential candidates on television. Targeting strategies for television differ from targeting strategies for direct mail advertising or get out the vote efforts because candidates cannot target voters individually. Instead, candidates must target television programs with viewers most similar to the desired target voters. Thus, for targeted advertising to have value, the audiences for television programs must differ in meaningful ways and advertising must be effective. We develop and estimate a model of targeted advertising. We study whether television shows segment potential voters sufficiently to allow for effective targeting and we consider the effect of television advertising-whether it persuades individuals to vote for a particular candidate or mobilizes them to vote in general. Our results suggest the function of television advertising is primarily to persuade. Moreover, we find that there is sufficient variation in the distribution of viewer characteristics across television programs to allow for effective targeting. The most effective targeting strategies therefore involve both parties adopting similar strategies of advertising primarily on programs with audiences containing many swing voters. Actual candidate behavior is largely consistent with this strategy indicating that candidates seem to accurately believe that the function of television advertising is to persuade voters. Nonetheless, we are able to uncover specific ways in which candidates could improve their advertising by identifying particularly effective shows and by quantifying the tradeoff between cost and effectiveness.

We develop a new model of household sorting in a system of residential neighborhoods. We show that this model is partially identified without imposing parametric restrictions on the distribution of unobserved tastes for neighborhood quality and the shape of the indirect utility function. The proof of identification is constructive and can be used to derive a new semiparameteric estimator. Our empirical application focuses on residential choices in the Pittsburgh metropolitan area. We find that sorting of households with children exhibit more stratification by income than sorting of households without children. (JEL C51, D12, H41, J12, R21, R23)