A three-dimensional (3D) biomechanical model of the tongue and the oral cavity, controlled by a functional model of muscle force generation (lambda-model of the equilibrium point hypothesis) and coupled with an acoustic model, was exploited to study the activation of the tongue and mouth floor muscles during the production of French cardinal vowels. The selection of the motor commands to control the tongue and the mouth floor muscles was based on literature data, such as electromyographic, electropalatographic, and cineradiographic data. The tongue shapes were also compared to data obtained from the speaker used to build the model. 3D modeling offered the opportunity to investigate the role of the transversalis, in particular, its involvement in the production of high front vowels. It was found, with this model, to be indirect via reflex mechanisms due to the activation of surrounding muscles, not voluntary. For vowel /i/, local motor command variations for the main tongue muscles revealed a non-negligible modification of the alveolar groove in contradiction to the saturation effect hypothesis, due to the role of the anterior genioglossus. Finally, the impact of subject position (supine or upright) on the production of French cardinal vowels was explored and found to be negligible.

This study explores the following hypothesis: forward looping movements of the tongue that are observed in VCV sequences are due partly to the anatomical arrangement of the tongue muscles, how they are used to produce a velar closure and how tongue interacts with the palate during consonantal closure. The study uses an anatomically based two-dimensional biomechanical tongue model. Tissue elastic properties are accounted for in finite-element modeling, and movement is controlled by constant-rate control parameter shifts. Tongue raising and lowering movements are produced by the model mainly with the combined actions of the genioglossus, styloglossus, and hyoglossus. Simulations of V1CV2 movements were made, where C is a velar consonant and V is [a], [i] or [u]. Both vowels and consonants are specified in terms of targets, but for the consonant the target is virtual, and cannot be reached because it is beyond the surface of the palate. If V1 is the vowel [a] or [u], the resulting trajectory describes a movement that begins to loop forward before consonant closure and continues to slide along the palate during the closure. This pattern is very stable, when moderate changes are made to the specification of the target consonant location. This prediction agrees with data published in the literature. If V1 is the vowel [i], we also observed looping patterns, but their orientation was quite sensitive to small changes in the location of the consonant target. These findings also agree with patterns of variability observed in measurements from human speakers, but it contradicts data published by Houde (1967). Our observations support the idea that the biomechanical properties of the tongue could be the main factor responsible for the forward loops when V1 is a back vowel, regardless of whether V2 is a back vowel or a front vowel. In the [i] context it seems that additional factors have to be taken into consideration in order to explain the observations made on some speakers.

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