Increasing the use of evidence in policy making means strengthening capacity on both the supply and demand sides of evidence production. However, little experience of strengthening the capacity of policy makers in low- and middle- income countries has been published to date. We describe the experiences of five projects (in Bangladesh, Gambia, India and Nigeria), where collaborative teams of researchers and policy makers/policy influencers worked to strengthen policy maker capacity to increase the use of evidence in policy. Activities were focused on three (interlinked) levels of capacity building: individual, organizational and, occasionally, institutional. Interventions included increasing access to research/data, promoting frequent interactions between researchers and members of the policy communities, and increasing the receptivity towards research/data in policy making or policy-implementing organizations. Teams were successful in building the capacity of individuals to access, understand and use evidence/data. Strengthening organizational capacity generally involved support to infrastructure (e.g. through information technology resources) and was also deemed to be successful. There was less appetite to address the need to strengthen institutional capacity—although this was acknowledged to be fundamental to promoting sustainable use of evidence, it was also recognized as requiring resources, legitimacy and regulatory support from policy makers. Evaluation across the three spheres of capacity building was made more challenging by the lack of agreed upon evaluation frameworks. In this article, we propose a new framework for assessing the impact of capacity strengthening activities to promote the use of evidence/data in policy making. Our evaluation concluded that strengthening the capacity of individuals and organizations is an important but likely insufficient step in ensuring the use of evidence/data in policy-cycles. Sustainability of evidence-informed policy making requires strengthening institutional capacity, as well as understanding and addressing the political environment, and particularly the incentives facing policy makers that supports the use of evidence in policy cycles.

BackgroundMost analyses of gaps in human resources for health (HRH) do not consider training and the transition of graduates into the labour market. This study aims to explore the labour market for Peru’s recent medical, nursing, and midwifery graduates as well as their transition into employment in the Ministry of Health’s (MOH) system.MethodsData from four different datasets, covering 2007–2013, was used to characterize the patterns of recently trained physicians, nurses, midwives, and postgraduate-trained physicians that enter employment in the MOH system, and scenario analyses were used to describe how this rate of entry needs to adapt in order to fill current HRH shortages.ResultsHRH graduates have been increasing from 2007 to 2011, but the proportions that enter employment in the MOH system 2 years later range from 8 to 45% and less than 10% of newly trained medical specialists. Scenario analyses indicate that the gap for physicians and nurses will be met in 2027 and 2024, respectively, while midwives in 2017. However, if the number of HRH graduates entering the MOH system doubles, these gaps could be filled as early as 2020 for physicians and 2019 for nurses. In this latter scenario, the MOH system would still only utilize 56% of newly qualified physicians, 74% of nurses, and 66% of midwives available in the labour market.ConclusionAt 2013 training rates, Peru has the number of physicians, nurses, and midwives it needs to address HRH shortages and meet estimated HRH gaps in the national MOH system during the next decade. However, a significant number of newly qualified health professionals do not work for the MOH system within 2 years of graduation. These analyses highlight the importance of building adequate incentive structures to improve the entry and retention of HRH into the public sector.

BackgroundRapid postnatal weight gain is associated with risk of overweight and obesity, but it’s unclear whether this holds in populations exposed to concurrent obesogenic risk factors and for children who have been extensively breastfed. This study investigates whether an increase in weight for age from birth to 1 year (infancy) and from 1 to 5 years (early childhood) predicts overweight and obesity, and waist circumference at 8 years, using data from a longitudinal cohort study in Peru.MethodsGeneralized estimating equations (GEE) models were constructed for overweight and obesity, obesity alone and waist circumference at 8 years versus rapid weight gain in infancy, and early childhood including adjusted models to account for confounders.ResultsRapid weight gain in both periods was associated with double the risk of overweight and obesity, obesity alone at 8 years and increased waist circumference even after controlling for maternal BMI and education level, sex of child, height-for-age at 8 years, consumption of “fast food” and number of days of active exercise. The association was significant, with some differences, for children in both rural and urban environments.ConclusionsRapid weight gain in infancy and in early childhood in Peru is associated with overweight and obesity at age 8 years even when considering other determinants of childhood obesity.Electronic supplementary materialThe online version of this article (doi:10.1186/s40608-016-0135-z) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.

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