Global warming of 1.5°C above preindustrial levels and a commensurate increase in global greenhouse gas emissions pose an unprecedented danger to human settlements, livelihoods and the sustainable development of Small Island Developing States (SIDS), yet these challenges present tremendous opportunities to rethink development pathways. The paper has two objectives. One is to critically review present vulnerabilities and adaptation strategies employed by the state, private sector, non-governmental organisations, community-based organisations and households. The other is to discuss vulnerabilities and identify adaptation and resiliency strategies which are considered most applicable beyond the 1.5°C limit. The Caribbean Region is the focus of the paper. A key finding of the paper is that temperature change above the 1.5°C limit set by the Paris Conference of the Parties will make the natural and human systems of SIDS even more highly vulnerable than they are already. Another finding is that Caribbean states have implemented various innovative climate change adaptation strategies, but their relevance should the 1.5°C target be exceeded, requires further exploration. The paper is useful to policymakers, decision-makers and finance agencies in search of practical solutions to avert the implications for Caribbean settlements, economies and ecosystems should the temperature warming exceed 1.5°C.

a Creative Commons IGO 3.0 Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives (CC-IGO BY-NC-ND 3.0 IGO) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/ igo/legalcode) and may be reproduced with attribution to the IDB and for any noncommercial purpose. No derivative work is allowed.Any dispute related to the use of the works of the IDB that cannot be settled amicably shall be submitted to arbitration pursuant to the UNCITRAL rules. The use of the IDB's name for any purpose other than for attribution, and the use of IDB's logo shall be subject to a separate written license agreement between the IDB and the user and is not authorized as part of this CC-IGO license.Note that link provided above includes additional terms and conditions of the license.The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Inter-American Development Bank, its Board of Directors, or the countries they represent. CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA PROVIDED BY THE INTER-AMERICAN DEVELOPMENT BANK FELIPE HERRERA LIBRARY Mycoo, Michelle.A blue urban agenda: adapting to climate change in the coastal cities of Caribbean and Pacific small island developing states Michelle Mycoo, Michael G. Donovan. TAbLE Of CONTENTS 3.3Urban Profile of Caribbean and Pacific SIDS Photo 0,10,23,37,Chapter 2,7 Chapter 4, 5, photo 44,45,46,47,52 14,15,16,17,18,19,20,21. Guyana. June, 2010 Stabroeknews -www.Stabroeknews.com http://www.stabroeknews. com/2013/news/stories/04/29/high-tides-flood-parts-of-georgetown-westcoast. Author: Arian Browne Photo 24. Nassau, Bahamas. October, 2015 Source: IDB photogallery. Author: Willie Heinz Photos 25,27,28,29. Photos 30,31,32,33,34,43, Chapter 6. Bridgetown, Barbados Portfolio ESC. HUD Division. August 11, 2016 Regional Responses of Caribbean Agencies 13 LIST Of phOTOS Coastal cities of Caribbean and Pacific Small Island DevelopingStates (SIDS) are highly vulnerable and will be among the earliest and most affected by climate change in the coming decades. Approximately 29 million people reside in Caribbean and Pacific SIDS, 4.2 million of which reside in low-elevation coastal zones (LECZs) located less than 10 meters above the sea level. The cost of damage to critical infrastructure that supports human settlements along the coast that results from rising sea levels will be a financial burden to many SIDS. By 2100, the cost of rising sea levels as a percentage of GDP will be highest among SIDS and enormous relative to the size of their economies. Impacts could include a decline in national output, inflation, increasing debt, revenue loss, and employment decline. Adapting and improving the resilience of cities in coastal zones of SIDS, especially those experiencing rapid urbanisation, remains critical.The unique patterns of urban growth in SIDS increase their vulnerability to climate change. This model includes: SIDS can seize opportunities to minimise the impact of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, as well as rising sea levels and natural hazards on their ur...

Tourist destinations are under market pressure to offer a green product, including the Caribbean, one of the world’s most tourism-dependent regions. A decade after the Global Conference on the Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing States convened in 1994, sustainable tourism remains a priority for Caribbean countries. This paper, using Barbados as a case study, attempts to establish if sustainable tourism policy existed, if so, how was it being implemented, and if not, what were the main areas of weakness. It found that although there was a vacuum in sustainable tourism plans and policies, the government was indirectly influencing sustainable tourism through regulatory mechanisms such as land use and infrastructure planning and market instruments. Additionally, industry was playing its part through voluntary compliance with green certification. There was a clear indication of government-industry cooperation. However, despite these measures and approaches, key infrastructure was inadequate, environmental impact assessments for potentially damaging tourism projects were not required by law and public participation was weak. The paper concludes that there are challenges for Barbados and other similar SIDS in attaining sustainable tourism in the long haul. doi: 10.2167/jost600.

Gated community living: a global and developing-country phenomenonThe ancient self-contained walled cities were places of grandeur where all members of the community had access to shared facilities such as baths, recreation space, churches, and community meeting places, and walls served as a mechanism for defence against invaders. The modern gated community is a residential area with restricted access, where normally public spaces have been privatised, and public goods are privately provided or maintained. It has its own`architecture of fear' (Marcuse, 1997). Access is controlled either by physical design, using walls, fences, traffic barriers, or electronic devices such as automatic gates, smart-card-operated gates, or entry-phones, or by 24-hour security personnel. Caldeira (2000) describes these types of development as fortified enclaves, which are turned inward, away from the street, the public life of which they explicitly reject. She notes they are controlled by armed guards and security systems, which enforce rules of inclusion and exclusion.The contemporary gated-community phenomenon first appeared in the United States in the 1970s, twenty years before it first emerged in the developing world, beginning around the mid-1990s (Webster, 2001). Friedman and Goetz (1982), as well as Sassen (1996), argue that global economic restructuring has influenced the rise of gated communities in global cities. They contend intense international competition leads to many workers in low-value-added services being disempowered by stagnating wages and unemployment. Economic restructuring then gives rise to a new class structure: a transnational elite and a burgeoning class of economically excluded. Harloe and Fainstein (1992) argue, using the global-city^dual-city hypothesis, that social polarisation leads to a dual-city structure, where the guarded enclaves are the places in which transnational elites organise their administration, consumption, production, leisure, education, and housing.Webster et al ( 2002) argue that interpreting gated housing as a physical manifestation of the dual economy provides insight into the international dimension of the phenomenon, and its timing with globalisation. They note that this perspective is,

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