Using a Web-based, self-administered questionnaire, we assessed 498 university-student drinkers' self-efficacy to use 31 different behavioral strategies to reduce excessive drinking in each of three different locations (bar, party, own dorm/apartment). Averaging all 31 items within each drinking situation to create a single scale score revealed high internal consistency reliabilities and moderate inter-item correlations. Testing the association of self-efficacy with drinking location, sex, and frequency of recent binge drinking, we found that respondents reported higher self-efficacy to use these strategies when drinking in their own dorm/apartment than when drinking in bars and at parties; women reported higher mean self-efficacy than men; and drinkers who engaged in 3-or-more binges in the previous 2 weeks reported lower self-efficacy than those who reported either 0 or 1-or-2 binges in the same time period. This questionnaire could be used to identify self-efficacy deficits among clients with drinking problems and as an outcome measure to assess the degree to which interventions influence reported confidence to use specific drinking-reduction strategies in high-risk drinking situations.

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This study was designed to assess undergraduates' (N = 424) definitions of binge drinking and to evaluate whether the number of drinks they said comprise a binge varied as a function of beverage type, respondent gender, and respondent binge drinking status. When asked to designate the specific number of drinks that comprise a binge for each of four beverage types, students reported that the number of beers constituting a binge was significantly larger than the number of glasses of wine, shots of hard liquor, and servings of any combination of alcoholic beverage types; men reported that a larger number of drinks constitute a binge than did women; and those who had engaged in 3 or more binges in the past 2 weeks reported that more drinks comprise a binge than those who had binged less often. Responses to an open-ended question asking their definition of a binge revealed that students sometimes characterize a binge in terms of motivations for and unhealthy consequences of drinking, in addition to defining a binge as comprising consumption of a large amount of alcohol in a limited (though often unspecified) time period. Furthermore, students attributed their open-ended definitions of binge drinking to informal sources of information and observation of others' drinking almost as often as they did to school-based or media-based sources. This suggests that educators might look for innovative ways to use both formal and informal social networking, and video illustrations of restrained drinking, as ways to influence young people's views of binge drinking.

This brief and easily administered questionnaire holds promise as a clinical tool to identify individuals with low harm reduction self-efficacy and as an outcome measure for health promotion and educational interventions.

We recruited 211 undergraduates to rate the degree to which each of 34 listed reasons for not taking drugs had influenced their abstinence from MDMA/ecstasy, cocaine, marijuana, and hallucinogens. Participants rated reasons such as personal and family medical histories, religion, and physiological consequences of drug use as having little or no impact on abstention from all four substances. Consistent with previous research and developmental theory, concerns about drug-induced impairment and drug use being contrary to one's self-image reportedly inhibited students' consumption of notably different types of illicit substances.