We have studied the pH-dependent conformational behaviour of poly(N,N-dimethylacrylamide) (PDMAc) at silicon and gold surfaces using single-molecule force spectroscopy and a quartz crystal microbalance (QCM). Despite the pH dependence, nuclear magnetic resonance and titration experiments demonstrate that PDMAc is not a weak polybase. The interaction between single chains and a silicon surface (with native oxide layer intact) in aqueous solution was investigated using force spectroscopy. Single-molecule force measurements were performed using thiol-functionalized PDMAc and gold-coated AFM cantilevers. The forces of interaction between PDMAc and the native oxide-coated silicon surface vary with the pH. The shape of the retraction curve for low pH solution includes a greater number of 'train' conformations, which suggests a stronger interaction with the surface relative to the surrounding media at low pH. The adsorption behaviour of PDMAc, from liquid onto silicon surfaces, was monitored using a QCM, which shows greater PDMAc adsorption onto silicon at low pH. The force spectroscopy and QCM investigations confirm that the PDMAc chain is more extended and stiffer in low pH solution. We attribute the pH-dependent behaviour to an increased number of hydrogen bonding sites on the silicon surface at low pH.

Discourses around poverty, dependency and austerity take a particular form when it comes to Northern Ireland which is seen as ripe for economic 'rebalancing' and public sector reduction. The Welfare Reform Act 2012 is pivotal in that it provides the muscle for disciplining claimants for a low-waged, flexible labour market. But the Northern Ireland Assembly has not passed the Act or agreed a budget and the return of Direct Rule beckons as a result. The article sheds light on the stand-off over the Welfare Reform Act using data from the 2012 PSE Survey. It demonstrates that the impact of violent conflict is imprinted on the population in terms of high rates of deprivation, poor physical and mental health, and significant differences between those experiencing little or no conflict, and those with 'high' experience. In ignoring these legacies of the conflict, the Westminster government is risking peace in its 'war against the poor'.

Purpose The purpose of this study was to determine whether ankle brace use in university-level varsity volleyball athletes affected their 3-step spike jump height and whether certain types of ankle braces have a greater effect on jump height. Methods Nine male university-level varsity volleyball athletes participated in a repeated-measures design study in which each athlete performed three 3-step volleyball spike jumps in 3 ankle brace conditions (soft, rigid, and no brace). Vertical jump height was measured by the Vertec device and video motion analysis at a university biomechanics research laboratory. Results Vertical jump heights were significantly lower in both brace conditions (soft, 2.3 cm, standard deviation [SD] 1.2 cm, P < .001; rigid, 1.7 cm, SD 0.9 cm, P < .003) compared with the no-brace condition, and no differences in vertical jump height were observed between the brace conditions (0.6 cm, SD 0.3, P = .3). There was a negative correlation between body fat percentage and vertical jump height ( r = –0.075, P = .02). The Vertec device reliably measured vertical jump in all 3 conditions. The no-brace vertical ground reaction forces during the loading phase were significantly greater than brace conditions. Ankle range of motion was greatest in the no-brace condition. Conclusions Results from this study suggests that high-performance athletes wearing ankle braces experience a significant decrease in vertical jump height independent of the type of ankle brace worn. Clinical Relevance Sports physicians and health care providers caring for high-level athletes should counsel athletes on the trade-offs of wearing protective equipment in sport, as potential decreases in sports performance can lead to increased injury prevention. Level of Evidence III.

In September 1999 the Independent Commission on Policing in Northern Ireland, chaired by Chris Patten, published its recommendations. This article examines the political context of policing reform, the contents of the report and the rejection of its core ideas in the Police (Northern Ireland) Bill published in May 2000. The central argument of the paper is that the Commission’s radical model of policing – a network of regulating mechanisms in which policing becomes everyone’s business – failed, because it gave insufficient attention, like much modern writing on policing, to the role of the state and the vested interests within policing. The overall outcome is that the Patten Commission has been effectively policed and Northern Ireland will be left with a traditional, largely undemocratic and unaccountable model of policing with most of the control resting with the Secretary of State and the Chief Constable.