B]ecause of all the sensitivities, I had to choose my words very carefully', stated Gerdi Verbeet, chair of the Dutch national commemoration committee Nationaal Comité 4 en 5 mei in 2016. 'You don't want to say something that hurts people's feelings', she added More than seven decades after the end of the German occupation of the Netherlands, Verbeet raised this issue in an interview about her role in the national World War II commemoration. It is not surprising that people associate a major devastating historical event with emotions experienced in the past, or that its history or consequences continue to elicit emotional responses in the present. 'The War', as people still refer to it, is more than a moral cornerstone or a prominent frame of reference. The German occupation during World War II left a profound emotional imprint on Dutch society. As Verbeet demonstrated, it has also become something about which it seems unimaginable, or at least socially unacceptable, to think, speak, or write without either a (subtle) display of emotion, or at least an explicit mention of the supposed emotionality of others. 2 That, however, is not all.Emotions are omnipresent in academic historical studies dealing with the aftermath of World War II in the Netherlands. Scholars use emotions in subordinate clauses, as unsubstantiated remarks, or as explanatory factors in their historical claims. 3 Emotions gained a role as one of the most popular side notes in the historiography of the post-war dealing with the consequences of World War II in the Netherlands. Not only does the connection between war and emotion seem self-evident, the converse is also true. In thinking, speaking, and writing about societal developments in emotionality, references to the war and its lasting consequences are frequent. World War II is a prominent theme in academic literature dealing with emotions or the emergence of a so-called 'emotion culture' in contemporary history. 4 However, studies that explicitly scrutinise their interrelatedness -between dealing with the consequences of the war and emotions -are an exception. This is remarkable, given the vast amount of literature addressing 1 Gerdi Verbeet stated this in an interview in the leading national newspaper, NRC Handelsblad, when she was interviewed around the time of national Remembrance Day in 2016. See Danielle Pinedo, '"De oorlog houdt ons meer bezig dan ooit"', NRC Handelsblad,

Most debates in the 'extraordinary government employees' subset deal with the establishment, modification, or discussion of WBP or WBPZ legislative schemes (see also Chapter 7). Some debates deal with both schemes at once. Words associated with the six emotion categories from the NRC EmoLex are identified, weighted, and thus 'scored' in all 250-word text chunks of the documents within this subset. Chapter 4 gives a more detailed description of this procedure. The complete overview of the results of computational analysis of emotional word use in the debates on the 'extraordinary government employees' (the beneficiaries of WBP and WBPZ) can be found in Supplement 3.1. 1 Emotion-mining Results and the Resistance Variation between EmotionsSummary statistics are calculated for the scores of all 'extraordinary government employees' debates on each basic emotion category from the NRC EmoLex. All individual documents within this particular subset of parliamentary debates are taken into account. As the output in Table 14 shows, mean and median score for the emotion of trust is much higher than all other emotion scores. There are no zero scores for trust. This means language use associated with trust is not only prominent, butJust as in the previous chapter, when I mention the 'score' of a specific parliamentary debate on a certain emotion here, this score consists of the mean of all TF-IDF weights for all of the 250-word chunks of which that debate consists. Theoretically this does, however, not have to mean that there is (only) a higher frequency of emotion words in these debates per se. Higher TF-IDF scores are also caused by the (relative) frequent use of (relative) rare, uncommon occurring anger words. Because of the TF-IDF weighting that is applied to the scores, the (single) occurrence of relatively rare words weighs heavier than the individual occurrence of a very common anger word. For a detailed description of the weighing measure, see also Chapter 4.

Emotions Defining Emotion'Emotion' is like 'language' or 'freedom': These concepts are supposedly well known to the extent that their everyday use is often taken for granted. 1 As human beings, we are quite familiar with emotional states, ranging from negative ones associated with anger, fear, disgust, and sadness to positive states like joy, trust, and love. Yet what is emotion? Some people say that football is emotion. Defining emotion more precisely is however difficult. If there is one thing that the many attempts to arrive at a definition of emotion in various academic disciplines show, it is that definitions of the words 'emotion', 'emotions', and 'emotionality' are subject to disagreement, changing perspectives, and cultural and linguistic differences. Debates about emotions are complex and filled with ambiguities and diverging nuances. In addition, it remains difficult to distinguish between emotion and feeling, or between emotion and mood, affect, passion, or sentiment. These distinctions are discussed within a wide range of disciplines, and show how difficult it is to provide a fixed definition. 2 Before investigating the role of emotions in historical sources, this chapter explores the definition of emotion as an object of research in more detail.Emotions are triggered by external or internal stimuli. On the individual level, emotional responses and expressions result from appraisals of these stimuli. 3 Personal emotions are a complex of neuro-physical, social, and cultural actions and reactions. 4 In psychology, 'affect' is often considered as unconscious and embodied (in facial expressions, for example), whereas 'emotion' is more consciously anchored in

The computer-assisted workflow, based on emotion mining to identify, measure, and compare emotionality of texts, is applied to two different case studies in the following chapters. The baselines of emotional language use in the Dutch parliament have been set in Chapter 5. For each thematic case study, a subset of parliamentary discussions from the period 1945-1989 was retrieved from the Handelingen (see also Chapter 3). Chapters 6 and 7 address a first case study and deal with the parliamentary discussion of national legislative schemes aimed at a group of people that were retrospectively regarded as 'soldiers' outside the regular national army. The former anti-Nazi resistance received much public and governmental attention from the first years after liberation onwards. These people had been actively involved with resistance activities or had been working against the Nazi occupier in other ways. Sometimes, this led to their death, or to lasting illness that affected their circumstances (or those of their families) long after the war. They were, by the postwar government, treated as veterans or former soldiers. The Resistance was used to legitimise the still precarious post-war political order. To whom did the Resistance belong? Who had been part of this group?Although it rolls off the tongue, the actual groups of people which 'the Resistance' refers to is (and was) not easy to delineate. In wartime, there had never been a singular, homogenous, or unanimous group that acted united under the term 'the Resistance'. Resistance against the Nazi occupation in the Netherlands had consisted of various acts of a heterogeneous conglomerate of individuals, initiatives, and groups. The notion of a homogeneous unity should be considered as constructed. 'The Resistance' was used as a reference to position oneself -and others. Unity of the notion of 'the Resistance' was, both during and after the war, needed for the government and various other groups of people to express themselves or to claim legitimacy and power. This, however, by no means diminishes the actual deeds and actions of a whole range of people obstructing the occupation and its persecution of groups within society -most notably those people labelled as Jewish.Each case study in this investigation consists of three parts. The first part introduces the political and societal background of the history of national legislation aimed at 'the Resistance' and, in the second case study, war victim legislation. Leg-

The second case study deals with the parliamentary discussions about legislation aimed at a greater diversity of different kinds of war survivors. The common denominator here is that they were all more or less considered victims of the German occupation of the Netherlands during World War II. The characteristics of the debates in this second case study are more varied, compared to those assessed in the first case study. Contrasting the 'extraordinary government employees', who had their pension scheme from 1947 onwards, 'war victims' cannot only be considered as an even more heterogeneous group of people, also the definition of who was considered as a 'war victim' was subject to change over time. As a result, the legislation aimed at alleviating their suffering shows more variety in different kinds of legislation, acts, and social welfare schemes over the years. The term 'war victims' is here broadly understood and refers to an incoherent and changing group of people with divergent experiences of suffering related to, amongst other things, material damage, warfare, organised violence, Nazi violence, persecution, and repression.This introduction of the second case study proceeds with the legislative history of the post-war engagement with 'war victims' in Dutch politics between 1945 and 1989. Central to this first part is the history of different legislative acts and proposals over the years, as this is the first and foremost reason why parliamentary discussion on 'war victims' took place. I do not see the legislation as such as a potential expression of emotion, or as representative of the contemporary 'mental climate' or societal engagement with war-related emotions. Manifestations of emotions can, however, be encountered in the parliamentary debates dealing with these legislative developments over the years. The results of emotion mining of these various 'war victim' debates are presented in Chapter 8. Just as in Chapter 6, the results of applying emotion mining to a specific case are statistically evaluated and compared to the 'average parliamentary debate' that was analysed and discussed in Chapter 5. Furthermore, Chapter 8 makes a comparison between the results of all debates in the 'war victims' subset. Diachronic developments of emotions over time are assessed as well. The final part of the case study, discussed in Chapter 9, contains a more detailed analysis and interpretation of the role of emotions in the sources.