Migrants are increasingly leading transnational lives, impacting the institutions that shape local economies both in their place of residence and in their home communities. One example of this is the institution of funerals in developing countries. Funerals are becoming multi-sited events as migrants from developing countries play important roles in the organization, financing and practice of funeral ceremonies in their home countries. Funerals thus give rise to flows of money, goods and people across national borders, ultimately affecting different economies around the world. This article uses a multi-sited research design to follow the flows associated with a funeral held in a village in the Ashanti Region of Ghana. Detailed data were collected simultaneously in four locations involved in the funeral, and a multiplier analysis was used to trace funeral spending in different locations and sectors. The analysis shows that funeral spending supports various economic sectors in Ghana and across the globe, reinforcing the nature of funerals as (partly) economic events, which should be included in economic analyses of remittances and migration. Funeral practices are modified in various ways to accommodate transnational elements. At the same time, funerals continue to act, even in a transnational context, as occasions for reaffirming ties and a sense of belonging; they form a way for home communities, both rural and urban, to keep migrants interested in them.

migrant-financed support. The paper argues that remittances can contribute greatly to the well-being and development of a family, but at the same time these can be highly insecure sources of income because the family may fall back into poverty the moment the flow of money from abroad stops. ABSTRACT This paper explores the ways remittances fromNetherlands-based Ghanaian migrants influence economic and social life in rural areas in the Ashanti region in Ghana, both at family and village levels. The analysis focuses on eight domains of economic life, selected for their importance within Ashanti culture. They are: investments in housing, business, farm, education, and community development projects, health care, and participation in church and funerals. The findings are based on 60 interviews with village leaders and families of migrants in 25 Ashanti villages collected between December 2002 and January 2003. The paper argues that most Netherlandsbased migrants invest in housing and business back home, but also support their families with contributions towards education, healthcare and daily upkeep. Apart from direct support to families, groups of migrants have contributed towards various development projects. The indirect impact of migration on community development is also manifested in individual migrant-financed activities that provide needed services to the communities. However, this impact varies between families and between communities, due to a number of external factors that influence the volume and frequency of remittances to families and the ability of home communities to benefit from

In this article we investigate why some hometowns in Ghana are more successful than others in mobilizing resources for community development projects from their hometown associations (HTAs) abroad. We analyse the praxis of HTA‐financed development by studying all actors involved in the process – HTAs and migrants abroad and local community leaders and their populations in Ghana. We find there is a relationship between the size of the community and the effectiveness of HTA mobilization. From a matched sample of five villages and towns in Ghana and their respective HTAs in Amsterdam, The Netherlands, we conclude that three important factors are at play in the relationship between size and effectiveness – the micro‐politics of relationships between migrant and local leaders; the institutions that exist at the village/town level to create incentives or sanctions for migrants; and the relationships of trust between the different actors involved.

Today, the development of many rural communities in the Ashanti Region of Ghana is to a considerable extent being supported by migrants. In spite of the wealth of publications about migrant remittances and community development 2 , few studies have investigated the processes that take place in the communities where the migrant support arrives and that can influence successful involvement of migrants in community development. Some exceptions that do pay more attention to this are Mohan (2006), Cotula and Toulmin (2004) and Akolongo (2005). However, much of the literature either describes the types of migrant support and the impact on communities, or focuses on the motivations and characteristics of senders (see e.g.