In recent years personality research has re-affirmed its status as what Revelle famously termed “the last refuge of the generalist.” Conceptualizing personality as consisting of traits, characteristic adaptations, and life stories, all of which must be understood in the context of biological and cultural foundations, provides a “big tent” to integrate nearly any aspect of psychology. And yet, this big tent has seemingly had little room for scholarship focused on race, ethnicity, and culture. This paper includes a brief discussion of five reasons why this has been the case: a) overstating the universality of traits, b) overstating the genetic basis of personality, c) hyper-focusing on dispositions, d) a compromising association with social psychology, and e) a weak approach to examining group differences. The paper concludes with some ideas for constructing a bigger, more inclusive tent.

Objectives:The present mixed-methods study examines allyship as a politicized collective identity and its associations with ethnic identity, personality traits, and sociopolitical engagement among IPPOC. Method: Participants in two samples in 2016 (n ϭ 256) and 2017 (n ϭ 305) completed measures of ally identity, ethnic identity, personality traits, and political engagement. Results: Results indicate two factors of ally identity (ally beliefs and behaviors). Quantitative findings suggest a) ethnic identity exploration predicts ally beliefs and behaviors, b) extraversion predicts ally behaviors, while agreeableness and neuroticism predicts ally beliefs, and c) ally beliefs and behaviors predict awareness, while ethnic identity exploration predicts involvement in political action, even when personality traits are considered. Thematic analysis findings suggest IPPOC allies are politically engaged through social media, individual actions, protests, and civic engagement. Conclusions: Ethnic and ally identity provide different paths to sociopolitical awareness and involvement. Public Significance StatementIn recent years, Indigenous People and People of Color (IPPOC) have noted increased experiences of prejudice in both social and political contexts, and consequently, people have questioned the extent to which shared oppression serves as a catalyst for IPPOC to defend, advocate, and relate to one another as allies. Allies adopt various behaviors and express various beliefs in support of people from marginalized groups and, in addition, tend to be more politically engaged through social media, individual actions, protests, and civic engagement.

The need for cognitive closure (NFC) has recently gained importance in behavioral neuroscience. In recent years, the impact of motivation in social psychology and personality psychology on cognition has begun to be examined, and the need for cognitive closure was explained by a detailed theory (1). The Theory of Daily Scientificism (Epistemology) put forward by Kruglanski and Ajzen (2) examines how individuals constitute their knowledge in everyday life, how they change this knowledge, and in what ways they change it from a cognitive-motivational point of view. Epistemological beliefs are subjective beliefs about what information is available about individuals in general and about how knowledge and learning are carried out. These beliefs influence the ways in which individuals approach and learn about the subject and in the future, learning "how" (3). Epistemological beliefs seem to have a decisive influence on the teaching-learning approaches that individuals prefer, the learning strategies they use, and the way they perceive and interpret certain learning experiences and various knowledge (4). According to this theory, the individual has an intrinsic-cognitive motivation to search for knowledge in everyday life and to search for the most appropriate knowledge for solving problems (2,5,6). In this process, the individual has to come up with a problem definition for the solution of the problem, and while making this definition they create some hypotheses and test these hypotheses. As a result, some hypotheses become stronger as some hypotheses are eliminated. This hypothesis-building and testing process is influenced by three factors-the need to achieve a definitive result, concern for invalidity of consequence, and the need for cognitive closure (7). The need for cognitive closure is shaped by the situation and at the same time affects the process of acquiring knowledge (2,5).The concept of need for closure was put forward by Kruglanski (7) to develop a theoretical framework of cognitive-motivational aspects of decision-making. The need for cognitive closure is seen as a process that affects the responses of individuals to their social environment (8). The need for cognitive closure is the need for the individual to reach a certain knowledge rather than confusion and ambiguity in a particular context (1,6,8,9). Kruglanski (7) defines the need for closure as "an answer on a subject, any answer when encountered confusion and uncertainty" (page 337). In other words, the need for cognitive closure is the simplification of complex knowledge and the motivation to avoid uncertainty when the individual meets a problem about "knowledge" (10). The word "need" in the concept is not a lack, but rather an attribution to an inner motivation (1,7,8). This motivation also refers to the cognitive differences of the individual in the information-processing process (7,8). According to Kruglanski (7), individuals prefer to avoid uncertainty in a situation, to complete the state of mental uncertainty (cognitive completeness/closure...

The purpose of this chapter is to examine the links between oppressive social conditions and psychological well-being among Black sexual minorities. In particular, we examine the nature and process by which members of marginalized groups may come to internalize the negative messages about their non-dominant social identity (i.e., internalized oppression). Given that Black sexual minorities are simultaneously subjugated to systems of oppression based on their race and their sexuality, they will experience what we have termed “dual minority stress”. By examining the narratives of 15 Black sexual minorities, we provide empirical support for the dual minority stress model and shed light on the characteristics of internalized oppression and the social conditions by which oppression is internalized. Specifically, our findings point to three important manifestations of internalized oppression: psychological maladjustment, acting-out mechanisms, and identity disintegration. We also identify three mechanisms by which oppression becomes internalized: notions of prototypicality, socio-political invisibility, and the absence of counterspaces. Overall, our findings highlight unique psychological experiences that exist where multiple subordinate-group identities interact and note the important links between social context and the self.

Narrative Identity in the Social World: The Press for Stability