Objectives. To examine abortion utilization in Ohio from 2010 to 2018, a period when more than 15 abortion-related laws became effective. Methods. We evaluated changes in abortion rates and ratios examining gestation, geographic distribution, and abortion method in Ohio from 2010 to 2018. We used data from Ohio’s Office of Vital Statistics, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s Abortion Surveillance Reports, the American Community Survey, and Ohio’s Public Health Data Warehouse. Results. During 2010 through 2018, abortion rates declined similarly in Ohio, the Midwest, and the United States. In Ohio, the proportion of early first trimester abortions decreased; the proportion of abortions increased in nearly every later gestation category. Abortion ratios decreased sharply in most rural counties. When clinics closed, abortion ratios dropped in nearby counties. Conclusions. More Ohioans had abortions later in the first trimester, compared with national patterns, suggesting delays to care. Steeper decreases in abortion ratios in rural versus urban counties suggest geographic inequity in abortion access. Public Health Implications. Policies restricting abortion access in Ohio co-occur with delays to care and increasing geographic inequities. Restrictive policies do not improve reproductive health.
The authors introduce a college admissions simulation activity that facilitates discussions of affirmative action and racial disparities in the seemingly objective college admissions process. In this activity, students serve as mock admissions committees in small groups. On the basis of activity sheets collected from multiple courses across several institutions, the authors disclose quantitative patterns in students’ applicant choices and qualitative themes reflecting students’ decision making processes. The authors discuss how this activity and subsequent class discussion help students to recognize and think through meritocratic assumptions and color-blind practices that reproduce racial inequality.
IntroductionDuring early stages of COVID‐19 in the United States, government representatives in Kentucky, Ohio, and West Virginia restricted or threatened to restrict abortion care under elective surgery bans. We examined how abortion utilization changed in these states.MethodologyWe examined COVID‐19 abortion‐related state policies implemented in March and April 2020 using publicly available sources. We analyzed data on abortions by method and gestation and experiences of facility staff, using a survey of 14 facilities. We assessed abortions that took place in February–June 2020 and February–June 2021.ResultsIn February–June 2020 the monthly average abortion count was 1916; 863 (45%) were medication abortions and 229 (12%) were ≥14 weeks gestation. Of 1959 abortions performed across all three states in April 2020, 1319 (67%) were medication abortions and 231 (12%) were ≥14 weeks gestation. The shift toward medication abortion that took place in April 2020 was not observed in April 2021. Although the total abortion count in the three‐state region remained steady, West Virginia had the greatest decline in total abortions, Ohio experienced a shift from instrumentation to medication abortions, and Kentucky saw little change. Staff reported increased stress from concerns over health and safety and increased scrutiny by the state and anti‐abortion protesters.DiscussionAlthough abortion provision continued in this region, policy changes restricting abortion in Ohio and West Virginia resulted in a decrease in first trimester instrumentation abortions, an overall shift toward medication abortion care, and an increase in stress among facility staff during the early phase of COVID‐19.
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