In a 2017 article in Perspectives on Psychological Science, Scott Lilienfeld critiqued the conceptual basis for microaggressions as well as the scientific rigor of scholarship on the topic. The current article provides a response that systematically analyzes the arguments and representations made in Lilienfeld’s critique with regard to the concept of microaggressions and the state of the related research. I show that, in contrast to the claim that the concept of microaggressions is vague and inconsistent, the term is well defined and can be decisively linked to individual prejudice in offenders and mental-health outcomes in targets. I explain how the concept of microaggressions is connected to pathological stereotypes, power structures, structural racism, and multiple forms of racial prejudice. Also described are recent research advances that address some of Lilienfeld’s original critiques. Further, this article highlights potentially problematic attitudes, assumptions, and approaches embedded in Lilienfeld’s analysis that are common to the field of psychology as a whole. It is important for all academics to acknowledge and question their own biases and perspectives when conducting scientific research.

Many ethnic minority groups experience higher rates of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) compared to their European American counterparts. One explanation for this is the differential experience of racism, which can itself be traumatic. This article aims to provide a theoretical basis for the traumatizing nature of various forms of racism within the 5th edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders’ framework for PTSD. PTSD caused by racism, or racial trauma, is likely to be underrecognized due to a lack of awareness among clinicians, discomfort surrounding conversations about race in therapeutic settings, and a lack of validated measures for its assessment. We review the literature and existing measures for the assessment of racial trauma and introduce the UConn Racial/Ethnic Stress & Trauma Survey (UnRESTS), a clinician-administered interview. The UnRESTS is useful to clinicians as an aid to uncovering racial trauma, developing a culturally informed case conceptualization, and including experiences of racism in the diagnosis of PTSD when warranted. Three case examples that describe the impact of racial stress and trauma and the role of the UnRESTS in understanding the experiences of those impacted by racism are included.

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Objective: Racial discrimination can cause symptoms of trauma, yet few tools for measurement exist. African Americans have higher rates of posttraumatic stress disorder and experience more racial discrimination than other groups. This study is a preliminary assessment of the psychometric properties of the Trauma Symptoms of Discrimination Scale (TSDS), a new measure of discriminatory distress measuring anxiety-related trauma symptoms. Method: African American monoracial and biracial undergraduate students (n ϭ 123) completed questionnaires, including the TSDS, the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure, assessments of racial discrimination, and a range of psychopathology measures. The TSDS factor structure was determined with a principal components analysis and internal consistency was assessed. Pearson's correlations were conducted between the TSDS and measures of discrimination and psychopathology. Linear regression was used to predict the TSDS from frequency of discrimination. Results: Item loadings suggested 4 components: (a) uncontrollable hyperarousal, (b) feelings of alienation, (c) worries about future negative events, and (d) perceiving others as dangerous. All measures of discrimination significantly predicted symptoms of trauma, even when accounting for prior traumatic experiences. Conclusions: Preliminary evidence supports the validity of the TSDS for the measurement of anxiety-related trauma symptoms due to racial discrimination. All forms of discrimination may contribute to traumatization in African Americans.