This paper overviews the worth of English language learning in Pakistan through the lens of economic cost and benefit comparison. The value is explored from theoretical perspective, using the theoretical construct of economic value of a language proposed by Francois Grin, which is applied in conducted interviews and reviewing the existing literature on language policy and planning of Pakistan. The paper finds that English language, due to the colonial legacy, enjoyed a privileged position in sociopolitical structure of the nascent Pakistani state. The historical entrenchment of English language created a system of values ensuring its domination in sociopolitical domains. Values in these domains determined differentiated earnings, costs and benefits for sociopolitical strata of Pakistan. The historical evolution structured these domains in such a way that the incumbency of English overcame challenges to its privileged position. The current growth of English language predicts continuation of its global and local domination in the foreseeable future.

Federalism is created by a state having heterogeneous population with a desire to have provisions for adequate distribution of economic resources within a democratic form of government. The economic interaction is usually guaranteed by the constitutional arrangement of the land. The desire for the creation of a federation may be the economic interaction, interdependence on each other by the Centre and federating units. Proper distribution of powers between the Centre and Federating Units flourish when the residuary powers are vested in the federating units. The 18th Constitutional Amendment made a landmark in the history of Pakistan as it introduced a paradigm shift in the democratic set-up of the country. This shift had long been cherished by most of the mainstream political parties as it gives an opportunity to the ruling parties to complete the tenure of the government.

China is an emerging superpower expanding its influence all over the world. But Chinas rise is a peaceful one and will be beneficial for the countries that are being involved in the process of development through the BRI. This project is a comprehensive portrait of the complex interdependence between China and the developing economies. China is getting the opportunities to expand its market and to secure its integrity beyond its borders. Emerging China is offering a chance to the developing economies to recover and further promote their economies. The BRI can be a debt quagmire or a ridge rope for the concerned states, depending upon the perception and use of it. Unfortunately, the growing influence of China is troubling the current hegemonic positions. This papers intention is to analyze the reality of the debt trap diplomacy, whether it actually is a trap or is being negatively propagated to contain Chinas rapidly growing power.

Pakistan's military establishment defends its prominent role in the society due to the set of complex threats and a series of conflicts which Pakistan has been facing. At the time of its creation, Pakistan found itself in the midst of instability due to the adverse policies of its rival neighbors. Pakistan has the decisive position in the global power politics. The disconcerting situation develop due to the sense of guardianship. The army believes that the civilian government lacks the vision and political insight which enables state to operate the affairs other than the security issues without soliciting military institutions.

The Middle East encountering a time of dynamic change, testing the universal methodologies of each nearby states. New challenges, opportunities, and dimensions are emerging for the regional and extra-regional states which are driving their foreign policies and making new alliances regionally. Saudi-Iranian relations are one of the most significant competitions characterizing the vital scene of the MENA (the Middle East & North Africa) region. Both states have frequently carried on as genuine opponents, particularly in the Gulf. Saudi Arabia is a territorial business as usual power, while Iran frequently looks for progressive changes all through the Gulf and the more extensive Middle East with shifting notches of power. However, Saudi Arab has strong relations with US and European powers while Iran views the United State as a most hazardous adversary. This article would examine competition of both states through the content analyses and pragmatist approach, and it will develop analytical thinking about methodologies inside the setting of the contention.