The classical international relations system has been established on the basis of sovereign national states and their territorial integrity since the Peace of Westphalia. However, the system has been challenged since 1960s with the emergence of new actors in international relations system. New states, as the members of the United Nations (UN), emerged from the de-colonization process. Furthermore, non-governmental organizations including secessionist movements had role in shaping of international system. International community has recently witnessed new developments through the emergence of new states; such as TRNC, Abkhazia, Kosova. These states are considered as the limited recognized states which do not have membership to the UN.This study is analysing the status of TRNC in international relations system by indicating its economic, social and political-diplomatic affairs with other sovereign states and international institutions. TRNC is a de facto state which is not a member of the UN. However, it establishes economic and political affairs with other actors. The status of the TRNC represents uniqueness due to its social and political order. Its EU citizens and suspended Acquis communautaire also make the state exceptional.Briefly, this study illustrates the social, economic and political affairs of the TRNC through making analytical extractions and referring to the statistical tangible data.
Uluslararası ilişkiler sistemi gün geçtikçe karmaşıklaşmaktadır. Sistem içerisinde aktörlerin çeşitlenmesi ve aktörler arasındaki ilişkilerin de aynı oranda karmaşık bir hal almasıyla birlikte uluslararası ilişkiler sistemi de daha fazla karmaşıklaşmıştır. Bu karmaşıklığın derinleşmesinde uluslararası ilişkiler sistemi içerisinde sınırlı tanınan devletlerin ortaya çıkmasının büyük bir rolü vardır. Abhazya, KKTC, Kosova, Güney Osetya v.d. devletlerin kurulmaları ve hami devletleriyle birlikte uluslararası ilişkiler sistemi içerisinde aktör olarak yer almaları uluslararası ilişkiler sistemine dair ezberleri bozmuştur. Bu çalışmada de facto anlamda uluslararası ilişkiler sistemi içerisinde ezber bozan ve sınırlı tanınan devletlerden Abhazya Cumhuriyeti'nin ekonomik, sosyal ve siyasal anlamda resmi çizilmektedir. Bu resmin içerisinde Abhazya'nın bağımsızlığını ilan etme süreci ve bu süreçte iç dinamiklerin dış dinamiklerle (Rusya, Uluslararası Örgütler v.b.) olan etkileşimleri irdelenmektedir. Abhazya'nın devlet olmanın kriterlerini yerine getiren unsurların ve kurumların betimlenmesi ve bununla birlikte Abhazya devletinin dış aktörlerle olan ilişkileri analitik olarak değerlendirilmektedir. Dış aktörler bağlamında Rusya'nın en önemli ve etkin aktör olarak öne çıktığı görülmektedir. Bu çerçevede Abhaz-Gürcü çatışmasında Rusya'nın oynadığı rol ve değişken politikaları kendisinin jeopolitik ve dış politika perspektiflerine gönderme yapılarak değerlendirilmektedir. Rusya'nın 2008 savaşının ardından Abhazya'ya askeri ve siyasi anlamda yaklaşımı ve artan ekonomik etkinliği de bu çalışmada ayrıca incelenmektedir. Sonuç olarak çalışmada Sui Generis bir gerçeklik olan Abhazya Cumhuriyeti'nin konumu tümden gelim ve nitel bir yaklaşımla değerlendirilmektedir.
This study covers the history of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) as a de facto state, a status it has held since 1983 after having established its institutional structure in 1975 under the name of the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus (TFSC). The TRNC has unique characteristics when compared with other de facto states. While it is home to EU citizens, it enjoys the support and infl uence of Turkey as its patron state, which is not member of the European Union. Although the TRNC has been declared an independent state, TRNC leaders pursued a federal solution to reunify the island until E. Tatar was elected president in 2020. The TRNC has another unique characteristic: its civil society tradition is more powerful than opposition political parties and non-governmental organizations, which sometimes clash with the government of Turkey concerning the latter's policies in the TRNC and the Cyprus question. As the TRNC's patron state, Turkey shapes its stance on the island in parallel with its relations with the European Union. The lack of any progress on Turkey's EU membership and uncompromising position of the Greek Cypriot leadership at negotiations in recent decades have pushed Turkey to shift its position on the Cyprus problem. Therefore, after coming to power, Tatar stated that a federal solution is not possible on the island and insisted that a two-state model be implemented with the support of Turkey.
This study examines the sovereignty claims of the Greek Cypriot Administration (GCA-Republic of Cyprus), Turkey and Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus as littoral states in the Eastern Mediterranean Sea regarding the delimitation of the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) and the Continental Shelf (CS). Although the GCA (as namely Republic of Cyprus) is a signatory of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), it has signed bilateral agreements with Egypt, Israel, and Lebanon. However, the GCA has neglected the existence of the frozen conflict in the island and is therefore faced with the reactions-challenges of Turkey and the TRNC after its decision to give licenses to MNCs and start the drilling process. Turkey and the TRNC have claimed their own sovereignty rights in regard to the Exclusive Economic Zone and Continental Shelf, which resulted in the agreements between TPAO (Turkish Energy Company) and the TRNC. Additionally, Turkey has started to conduct seismic surveys in the northern part of Cyprus and southern part of Turkey on the basis of the equal sharing principle. The lack of a comprehensive solution to the Cyprus problem is the basic source of the sovereignty dispute on the delimitation of EEZ and CS among Turkey, the TRNC and GCA, which is also reflected in the hydrocarbon surveys.
organizing summits in Moscow and Astana. The economic realities and regional situation has forced both sides to push for cooperation, despite the different foreign policy identities which are Eurasianism and Euro-Atlanticism which still exist, restricting a stronger cooperation between these two countries.
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