The study of political extremes and that of extremist politics tend to be distinctive occupations. The former draws heavily on political philosophy, and of necessity requires a definition of the middle, or political centre, and an understanding of how these shift, together, over time, and depend on particular cultural contexts. The study of extremist politics, in contrast, often assumes the 'extremist' attribute of its subject matter in order to analyse the behaviour, attributes, preoccupations, strategies, supporters and influence of extremist groups and individuals. The two can complement one another in examinations of how liberal democracies respond to extremist politicsespecially government, media and electorate -and in comprehending the relative strengths and weaknesses of liberal democracies and extremists. The study of extremism reveals assumptions about mainstream politics and ethics, and their potential vulnerability to the causes of extreme dissent.

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High-ranking ministers in the British cabinet supported calls at the World Disarmament Conference demanding the abolition of aerial bombing. Their efforts, however, were checked by the Air Ministry, with the result that British delegates at the conference promoted a compromise position advocating abolition, with a reservation for colonial policing. Pressure from the conference made it difficult to maintain this posture, and abolitionists in cabinet came close to persuading colleagues of their case, but events in Iraq, Aden, and India served to underscore the importance of the overseas RAF. Several salient features of government in this period help account for the cabinet’s attitude to aerial bombing: the heightened importance of consensus in the National Government, the enhanced relevance of the Air Ministry, the necessity of affordably securing the empire, and a prevailing cynicism about the feasibility of an agreement on aerial bombing.

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