Purpose Reducing health inequalities between the poor and the rich is one of the challenges that the Iranian healthcare sector is facing. One of the goals of the Iranian Government in the Healthcare Sector Evolution Plan (HSEP) is claimed to be creating an opportunity for the poor to use inexpensive services. The purpose of this paper is to provide an analysis of the status of the poor in the HSEP. Based on this evaluation, the authors will provide policy recommendations to improve the benefits of the HSEP for the poor people. Design/methodology/approach This paper is based on a qualitative study conducted in 2017. The research sample includes policymakers, experts and scholars at the macro-level of the Iranian healthcare system who were well-aware of the financial support for the poor. Overall, 35 semi-structured interviews were carried out. Data were analyzed based on the thematic analysis method. Findings The effects of the HSEP on the poor were studied in terms of their positive outcomes and challenges. Despite the achievements of the HSEP for all people, the most important challenge was the lack of targeted state subsidies for the poor. These subsidies should have included free insurance coverage, reducing inpatient payment and allocation of a separate budget for the poor. Originality/value Adopting some policies to target public health subsidies toward the poor such as free insurance specific for the poor (based on means testing), as well as user fee exemption and waivers could improve access to health services for them in Iran. In addition, separate funding for such policies, strengthening health prevention and health care services for marginalized populations, and improving their health literacy could help ensure the poor’s benefiting more from the health care services.

PurposeReducing inequity in health between the poor and the rich is one of the challenges of the Iranian health sector. Access to health services in Iran is lower in the lowest-income quarter, and the rich use health services more. The purpose of this study is to provide a comprehensive framework for enabling financial access by the poor to health services in Iran.Design/methodology/approachPolicy options were validated and approved by experts and specialists in two stages using the Delphi technique. The sample was consisted of 22 well-known experts on the subject who were selected based on purposive sampling. To evaluate the reliability of the questionnaire, a pilot study was conducted with five participants. Dimensional validity of the policy model, which was agreed upon by more than 75% of the participants was acceptable.FindingsThe main aspects of the model were divided into five categories: identifying the poor, policymaking to prevent the aggravation of health poverty, providing targeted funding, highlighting the importance of coherent regulation and ensuring financial accessibility to health services for the poor. This model could align the activities of all stakeholders in the form of a network and considers its prerequisites.Originality/valuePrevention of dire financial consequences in the case of referral to follow up the treatment alongside exemption and financial protection policies through the networking activities of organizations involved in this field is a crucial step in securing financial support for the poor. Although the researchers included a wide range of policymakers in the Delphi study to gather all perspectives about options for financially support the poor, there may be some potential neglected policy advices.

Religious institutions have currently emerged as more powerful actors than ever before in many Muslim countries. This matter necessitates reassessing the role of organized religion in policy-making processes in such countries. This paper is a comparative study, analyzing the role of the religious institutions, as pressure groups, in government policy in Pakistan and Turkey. Since there have been very few research projects working on comparative studies on religious pressure groups in Muslim-majority countries, this paper seeks to fill the gap through secondary research. The findings indicate that in Turkey, the common aims and interests have bound the Islamic parties and institutions together, currently emerging as a powerful political actor, challenging the strict secular system of the country. Nonetheless, the Pakistani institutions have increasingly exchanged violence for the implementation of Islamic law. The Turkish Islamic movement have a more united structure than the Pakistani ones. Nonetheless, the role and status of such groups have significantly changed over time in both countries. Likewise, amongst the two countries' religious institutions, the Turkish mostly use civic tactics to gain power from the people, while the Pakistani ones undertake sabotage activities as leverage against the government.

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