While teachers have a responsibility to teach in a way that is anti-discriminatory and inclusive of all students irrespective of students' gender, 'race'/ethnicity, social class, disability or sexual orientation, in this paper my focus is on 'race' and racism and the ways in which some teacher education students resist examining their own racialised assumptions. Given that 'race' is invariably constructed in terms of the 'Other', it is imperative, as Gillborn (1996, p. 165) has suggested in the British context, for whites to 're ect critically on their own assumptions and actions as whites'. It is equally imperative in Australia for 'white' researchers and teachers who are committed to anti-racism to turn the gaze inward and to re ect on our own racialised assumptions. Within this context one of the key concerns of this paper is the extent to which teacher education students can be given the freedom to express their views and explore their value positions without however slipping over into perpetuating racist stereotypes.
Her more recent research has focused on the use of autobiographical narratives to deconstruct the normativity of 'whiteness' and the social construction of gendered and racialised subjectivities.
AbstractThis paper raises the perennial question whether or not non-indigenous researchers should attempt to research with/in Indigenous communities and represents a learning journey that has moved from wanting to be a researcher who did 'solid' research with/in Indigenous contexts to questioning the feasibility of such a project. If research is indeed 'a metaphor of colonization' (Blodgett, et al. 2011, p. 522), then as researchers we have two choices: to learn to conduct research in ways that meet the needs of Indigenous communities and are non-exploitative as well as culturally appropriate, or to relinquish our roles as 'white' researchers and make way for Indigenous researchers. Hence in this paper I trace my learning journey; a journey that has culminated in the realisation that it is not my place to conduct research within Indigenous contexts, but that I can use 'what I know' -rather than imagining that I know about Indigenous epistemologies or Indigenous experiences under colonialism -to work as an ally with Indigenous researchers. Coming as I do, from a position of relative power, I can contribute in some small way to the project of decolonizing methodologies by speaking 'to my own mob ' (Ngarritjan Kessaris 2006, p. 360).
Schooling has come to be viewed as an important site for the reproduction of gender relations and as a site for intervention and change. This article reports on a longitudinal study that explores the ways in which a group of young women-who had gone to school during an era of 'equal opportunity'-made decisions about their future careers and the ways in which they thought their life-paths would unfold. More than a decade later, the problem of 'having it all' had begun to surface for some of them. Those women who had already become mothers increasingly found that instead of effortlessly being able to combine the demands of small children with the pressures of a challenging job, a more workable option was to put their careers 'on hold'. While these women have demonstrated that they can succeed on male terms, a number of competing discourses, coupled with a workplace culture that enshrined male patterns of participation as the norm, ensured that their work patterns essentially replicated the employment patterns of women of an earlier generation. Certainly, this group of young women are reconciling the expectations of 'equal opportunity' with a quite different reality.
Between 1999 and 2003 a number of principals (n 0/35) from a range of schools in Western Australia were interviewed to investigate the extent to which the state's Antiracism policy and guidelines for complaint resolution (1998) had impacted on the day-to-day management of schools. These principals overwhelmingly reported that racism was not a problem within their schools. At the same time they constructed racism in terms of individual pathologies and suggested that any racist incidents, should these arise, could be dealt with more than adequately under various schoolbased behaviour management or anti-bullying policies. There were no real differences in responses over time, nor were there any discernible patterns according to type of school. The findings suggest that the majority of these school managers did not understand the nature and extent of racism and were ill-equipped to deal with the more covert expressions of racism.
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