Previous research indicates that young and middle-aged adults perform better than other age groups on problems similar to those they might encounter in their everyday lives. However, elderly adults have not performed better than other age groups on problems designed to give them the advantage. In order to ensure that the problems used in the present study were ones that elderly adults might encounter, elderly adults were recruited to help develop the problems. The resulting problems were administered to adults between the ages of 20 and 80. Performance was found to increase from the 20- to 40-year-old age group and decrease thereafter. Thus, when elderly adults devise practical problems that are intended to give elderly adults the advantage, the elderly adults still perform less well than do middle-aged adults.
Eighty-four adults between the ages of 20 and 79 were presented with two types of problem-solving tasks. One was a task that is typically used in problem-solving research and the other was a task composed of practical problems that adults might encounter in their daily lives. Performance on the two types of tasks exhibited different developmental functions across age. Performance on the traditional problem-solving task decreased linearly across the page while performance on the practical problems increased to a peak in the 40- and 50-year-old groups and decreased thereafter. The results indicate that the developmental function obtained for problem-solving during the adult years depends on the type of problems that are presented. While performance on the abstract type of problems typically employed in research may decrease with age during the adult years, performance on practical problems may exhibit a different relationship with age.
One hundred thirteen individuals, ages 18-81, were presented with a test of social problem solving, a test of practical problem solving, the Twenty Questions task (a test of traditional problem solving), the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale--Revised Vocabulary subtest (a measure of crystallized intelligence), and Raven's Progressive Matrices (a measure of fluid intelligence). The effects of age, sex, education, and intellectual abilities on problem-solving performance were examined. Social problem solving was positively related to higher education and higher Vocabulary scores, but it was not related to age. Social problem solving and practical problem solving were significantly related to each other and to scores on the Vocabulary subtest, whereas traditional problem solving was significantly related to scores on Raven's Progressive Matrices. These results suggest that different types of problem solving are differentially related to other intellectual abilities and to age.
Ninety-six individuals between the ages of 20 and 80 were presented with two types of problem-solving tasks. One was a traditional laboratory problem-solving task; the other was composed of a number of practical problems. Three types of practical problems were employed--problems that young adults might encounter in their daily lives, problems that middle-aged adults might encounter, and problems that elderly adults might encounter. On the traditional laboratory task, performance decreased with increasing age. On the practical problems, however, performance increased from the 20- to the 30-year-old group and decreased thereafter with the most drastic decreases occurring in the 60- and 70-year-old groups. When the three types of practical problems were analyzed separately, the performance of the younger adults was better than the performance of older adults on all of the problem-solving tasks, even on the practical problems that were designed specifically to be ones that older adults would be more likely to encounter in their daily lives.
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