Emerging evidence suggests that menstruation-related teasing is a common experience among adolescent girls with ramifications on their school participation, yet empirical evidence on the prevalence and determinants of period teasing in schools remain scarce. Menstrual hygiene research and policies almost exclusively focus on girls and women, leading to a dearth of knowledge of male attitudes. We conducted the first quantitative survey of period teasing in schools in sub-Saharan Africa, focusing on 432 male and 524 female students in four co-educational secondary schools in northern Tanzania. Period teasing is prevalent; 13% of girls have experienced period teasing, and more than 80% fear being teased, especially by male classmates. Girls’ fears are associated with insufficient menstrual hygiene management resources and practices. Girls cope by reducing school attendance, participation, and concentration in the classroom during periods. Boys engage in period teasing because they perceive periods as embarrassing, especially visible markers of periods (odor or stains). Social norms, such as peer behavior and home restrictions on menstruating women, are associated with more teasing. Boys believe it is strongly inappropriate for girls to reveal period status or to discuss periods with males, including male teachers. In contrast, boys are well informed about basic biological facts of menstruation (scoring 60% on a knowledge quiz, not statistically different from the girls) and have received information from school curricula and health workers. Lack of suitable menstrual hygiene practices and restrictive social norms is correlated with period teasing, which hinders gender equality in educational opportunities. Providing narrowly bio-medical focused education about menstruation may not be enough to reduce period teasing in contexts with period stigma.

Menstrual hygiene management is an important determinant for girls’ educational outcomes. We develop a method of cross-sectional analysis that quantifies the relative importance of four distinct mechanisms: material, biological, social and informational constraints and consider four main schooling outcomes: absenteeism, early departure, concentration and participation. We use survey data from 524 female students enrolled in four co-educational secondary schools in Northern Tanzania. Average age at first period is 14.2 years (standard deviation = 1.1, range 9-19). Information is the least binding constraint: 90-95% of girls report they received information about menstruation and how to manage it. In contrast, biological constraints are hindering: (i) the distribution of menstrual cramps and pain is bifurcated: most girls report very light or very strong pain (rather than moderate) with considerable educational impacts for girls in the latter group, (ii) irregular cycles (62%) and difficulty predicting the cycle (60%) lead to stress and uncertainty. Socio-cultural constraints are binding as 84% would feel shame if male peers knew their menstrual status, and 58% fear being teased over periods. Material constraints include prohibitive costs: girls spending between 12-70% of the daily national poverty line (6,247 TSH per day) on pads during their period. However, we discern no statistically significant relationship between access to pads and absenteeism. In contrast, biological and socio-cultural constraints as well as lack of sanitary infrastructure have significant effects on absenteeism. The results have several implications. First, sanitary pad interventions should consider participation and concentration as main outcomes, in addition to absenteeism. Second, biological (menstrual cramps and pain) and socio-cultural (fear, stigma) constraints are drivers of menstruation-related absenteeism and participation in the classroom and need to be evaluated in trials. We suggest exploring analgesic use, alternative pain-management techniques, menstrual cycle tracking technologies, and social programming in future trials.