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Abstract. The harmful effects of female genital mutilation (FGM) on women are recognized worldwide. Although it is practiced by persons of all socioeconomic backgrounds, there are differences within countries and between communities. The aim of this study was to use the 2003 Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey data to determine the spatial distribution of the prevalence of FGM and associated risk factors. Data were available for 7,620 women; 1,673 (22.0%) interviewed had had FGM and 2,168 women had living children, of whom 485 (22.4%) daughters had undergone FGM. Unmarried women were more likely to report a lower prevalence of FGM. Modernization (education and high socioeconomic status) had minimal impact on the likelihood of FGM, but education plays an important role in the mother's decision not to circumcise her daughter. It follows from these findings that community factors have a large effect on FGM, with individual factors having little effect on the distribution of FGM.

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This paper provides empirical evidence on the determinants of demand for children in Anambra State of Nigeria. To achieve this, a micro framework was adopted and cross sectional data explored. Logistics regression technique was used for the data analysis and the factors identified as strong predictors of demand for children include wife's level of participation in decision-making, occupation, place of residence, husband's education among others. Surprisingly, wife's education is among the weak predictors. This supports the assumption that female education is a necessary but not sufficient condition to guarantee fertility decline. Cultural inertia may account for this, considering its adverse consequence on women's access to productive resources and level of participation in decision-making.

Keywords Human development · Gender gap index · Status of women · Total fertility rate IntroductionThe role of African women in the community and national development process cannot be overemphasised, and it was the work of Ester Boserup on women and development (Boserup 1970) that pioneered this perspective. Until today, women remain the pillars of the household during times of economic hardship and crisis. They are often the ones who devise strategies to sustain their families and who work the extra hours it takes to put these plans into practice. In addition to their informal work, African women are also involved in formal employment and play a particularly prominent role in the agricultural sector. Boserup (1970) referred to Africa as the region of female farming "par excellance". In 1980, 44 % of the population economically active in the agricultural sector were female, increasing to 48 % by 2009-a proportion noticeably higher than women's general share in employment (38 % in 1980(38 % in and 41 % in 2009(38 % in , all data: FAOSTAT 2012. However, this high share in employment does not translate into an equal standing of women workers in agriculture compared to their male counterparts. The International Labour Organization (ILO) notes that women are generally faced with more vulnerable forms of employment, own less than 1 % of the land, have limited access to technology, and often earn significantly less than male agricultural workers (ILO 2009).The following chapter highlights the relevance of Ester Boserup's hypotheses for women's empowerment in Africa, reassessing the status of African women today. We attempt to answer the following questions: Does gender inequality in ownership N. M. Nwakeze ( )