Here, we introduce the articles that comprise this special issue of IFJP, entitled, 'Critically Examining UNSCR 1325'. The aim of this special issue is to examine the implementation of UNSCR 1325 and its implications for women's activism and for peace and security. Given that the articles in this volume approach UNSCR 1325 from various perspectives and in different contexts, our aim in this introduction is to point out a number of conceptual, policy and practical issues that are crucial in the debates around UNSCR 1325 specifically, and women, peace and security more broadly. We do this in four parts: first, problematizing the resolution in relation to changes in global governance; second, examining the Resolution's assumptions about (gendered) agency and structure; third, examining the Resolution's assumptions about the links between conflict and gender; and, fourth, comparing different contexts in which 1325 is implemented. To some degree, differences between contributors may be accounted for by different understandings of feminism(s) as a political project. Different feminisms may underpin different visions of peace and, consequently, different projects of peacebuilding. Ultimately, this volume, while answering the questions that we originally posed, throws up new questions about transnational feminist praxis. © 2011 Taylor & Francis

The gendered boundaries of international security, historically identified by feminist scholarship, are being broken down since the passage of UN Security Council Resolution 1325, which calls on member states to mainstream a gender perspective into matters of conflict and peacebuilding. However, we should not read this as a positive step toward the transformation of the lives of women (and men) in conflict zones. Reading 1325 and subsequent resolutions through a postcolonial feminist lens reveals that this reconceptualization of gender occurs through a reinscription of racial-sexual boundaries, evocative of the political economy of imperialism. An examination of the discourses and practices of the ''war on terror'' exposes a similar configuration of gender, race, and sexuality. I argue that 1325 works in tandem with dominant security practices and discourses in the post-9 ⁄ 11 moment, normalizing the violence of counterterrorism and counterinsurgency measures. Understanding the significance of race and sexuality in the conceptualization of gender has implications for transnational feminist praxis and its ability to construct a counter-hegemonic project to transform the dominant structures of power that give rise to war, conflict, insecurity, and injustice.

Leptospirosis is an important bacterial zoonotic disease that affects humans and many animal species. Knowledge of prevalence of Leptospira in a given geographic region supports the implementation of effective control/prevention programmes and thus reduces the transmission risks. This study provides Leptospira seroprevalence and serovar distribution in dogs and cats on the Caribbean island of Saint Kitts. Convenient serum samples from domestic dogs (n = 101) and cats (n = 50) were tested by the microscopic agglutination test (MAT) using 21 Leptospira serovars belonging to 17 serogroups. Seroprevalence was recorded at 73.2% in dogs (95% confidence interval CI: 62.5–80.1%). Agglutinating antibodies to Leptospira were present against 13 of the 21 serovars tested by MAT. The highest seroprevalence was observed for serovar Autumnalis (56.4%) followed by Icterohaemorrhagiae (27.7%), Canicola (17.8%), Djasiman (14.9%), Bratislava (11.9%), Pyrogenes (11.9%), and Pomona (7.9%). A very low seroprevalence (4%, 95% CI: 0.5–14%) was observed in cats. This data confirms that dogs in Saint Kitts have a high-level exposure to a diverse set of Leptospira serovars.

This article considers current explanations of the link between globalization and democratization in light of an empirical case study: that of a 1998-1999 campaign led by Egyptian NGOs against government restrictions on the freedom of association.1 It argues that current theorizing of the link between globalization and democratization, whilst providing important insights, does not completely explain the outcomes described in the case study due to its tendency to focus on structural changes at the macro-level. Instead, the article calls attention to the need to 'bring politics back in' to theories of the link between globalization and democratization, by studying the political strategies of actors at the micro-level, the longer-term local, historical context against which these strategies are formed and their impact upon existing relations of power.The article does not seek to present a dichotomy of agency versus structure, but rather intends to draw attention to the need to correct the current bias towards structural explanations of the link between globalization and democratization by studying the role of agency in reproducing or challenging those structures that either promote or hinder democratization. In this sense, this article is intended to complement existing literature that addresses the issue of globalization as both changing structures and The first part of this article reviews some of the major arguments regarding the link between globalization and democratization in order to highlight their focus on structural changes in explaining democratization. The second part proposes an alternative explanatory framework that introduces the notion of agency, based on Antonio Gramsci's concepts of hegemony and counter-hegemony. The third and fourth parts operationalize this framework through presenting the context for the actions of NGOs in Egypt and the case study of NGO efforts for greater democratization. Finally, the conclusion brings together the conceptual and empirical discussions. and technologies that increase pressure on national governments to become more transparent and accountable (Held 1995;Falk 1999;Held 2000). Nevertheless, both sets of literature assume that structural changes attributed to globalization in the economic, social and cultural spheres determine prospects for democratization.Below, I examine these two normative approaches towards theorizing the link between globalization and democratization. In choosing to categorize the relevant literature according to these different normative approaches, I have grouped together writers from different theoretical backgrounds, such as liberal, Marxist/post-Marxist, realist/neo-realist, as well as writers from different disciplines-political economy, international relations, economics, development studies, comparative politics, business management, sociology and anthropology. I justify this eclecticism on the basis that it is important to demonstrate that, despite their different disciplinary and theoretical backgrounds, the current literature exam...

5047Appwo for publc rom: duftbm un itd. Report 94-8, supported by the Naval Medical Research and Development Command, Department of the Navy under work unit 62233N MM33P30.002-6005. The views expressed in this article are those of the author(s) and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of the Navy, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. NAVAL HEALTH RESEARCH CENTER SUMMARY Problem.High (50-70%) attrition rates among U.S. Navy Sea-Air-Land commando (SEAL) trainees are common. Although SEAL volunteers are selected for intelligence, maturity, combat skills and physical performance, these characteristics are insufficient for predicting success or failure during training.Objective.The primary objective of this study was to collect baseline demographic and personality data on SEALs for developing a profile that may be used to improve selection and training.Demographic and personality data were collected from 139 SEAL personnel (aged 20-45) assigned to five different duty stations. The NEO Personality Inventory was employed because of its breadth and applicability. This inventory categorizes personality by five major domains: Neuroticism, Extraversion, Openness, Agreeableness, and Conscientiousness. Data were analyzed for effects of age, rank and experience in Naval Special Warfare. SEAL data were also compared to those collected from adult males in the general population. Results.The more-experienced SEALs scored higher on Conscientiousness and lower on Extraversion than the less-experienced SEALs. However, these effects were shown to be explained by increased age, not Special Warfare experience per se. Commissioned officers scored significantly higher on both Extraversion and Conscientiousness than Enlisted SEALs.SEALs scored lower in Neuroticism and Agreeableness, average to lower in Openness, and higher in Conscientiousness and Extraversion compared to the norms for adult males. Conclusions.Based on the personality data collected, a general profile for the "average" SEAL was created. This profile may be useful in developing future recruitment, selection, and training programs. One consideration for further study is the question of whether the differences found between SEALs and the general population norms are due to self-selection or to personality changes caused by the demands of military and SEAL training. 3