Although the percentage of crimes committed by females has increased over the last 20 years in the United States, most research focuses on crimes by males. This article describes an examination of the extent to which childhood maltreatment predicts violent and nonviolent offending in females and the role of psychiatric disorders. Using data from a prospective cohort design study, girls with substantiated cases of physical and sexual abuse and neglect were matched with nonmaltreated girls (controls) on the basis of age, race, and approximate family socioeconomic class, and followed into adulthood ( = 582). Information was obtained from official arrest records and participant responses to a standardized structured psychiatric interview. Women with a history of any childhood maltreatment, physical abuse, sexual abuse, and neglect were at significantly increased risk for having an arrest for violence, compared to control women. Except for those with a history of physical abuse, abused and neglected women were also at increased risk for arrest for a nonviolent crime, compared to controls. In bivariate chi-square comparisons, the three groups of women (violent offenders, nonviolent offenders, and nonoffenders) differed significantly in the diagnoses of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), alcohol abuse, drug abuse, and dysthymia, but not major depressive disorder, and violent female offenders had significantly higher rates of these disorders compared to nonoffenders. However, with controls for age and race, PTSD was the only psychiatric disorder to distinguish women arrested for a violent crime compared to a nonviolent crime (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 6.32, confidence interval [95% CI] = 1.84-21.68, < 0.01), and PTSD moderated the relationship between childhood maltreatment and violent offending (AOR = 5.55, 95% CI = 1.49-20.71): women with histories of childhood maltreatment were equally likely to have an arrest for violence, regardless of PTSD diagnosis, whereas having a diagnosis of PTSD increased the risk of violence for women without maltreatment histories. Together, these findings suggest two pathways to violent offending among females-one through childhood maltreatment and a second through PTSD. Implications of these findings are discussed.