List of tables, figures and boxes v Acknowledgements vi 1 Introduction Contemporary debates of migration and race What is segregation? The role of statistics Abuse of statistics in times of uncertainty The role of legends and myths Clarifying important terms Finding your way around the book 2 Making sense of race statistics Introduction 24 Politics, policy and race statistics The measurement and interpretation of 'ethnic group': policy concepts in statistical practice Conclusion 3 Challenging the myth that 'Britain takes too many immigrants'

Internal migration is responsible for the changing geography of Britain's ethnic group populations. Although this changing geography is at the centre of heated debates of social policy, relatively little is known about the internal migration behaviour of different ethnic groups. This paper reviews existing evidence and analyses 1991 and 2001 Census data to provide an overview of patterns and trends in the geographies of migration for each ethnic group. It finds that counter‐urbanisation is common to all ethnic groups except Chinese. Both White and minority groups have on balance moved from the most non‐White areas in similar proportions, with some exceptions including White movement into the most concentrated Black areas, and Chinese movement towards its own urban concentrations. ‘White flight’ is not an appropriate term to describe White movement, nor to explain the growth of ethnically diverse urban areas. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Relatively little is known about the internal migration behaviour of different ethnic groups. This paper reviews existing evidence, and analyses 2001 Census data for Britain to provide an overview of patterns in the level of migration and the distance migrated, according to the characteristics of migrants and for diverse ethnic groups. Those who migrate in each ethnic group have similar characteristics, leading to the assertion that differences in levels of migration result mainly from differing socio‐economic and age compositions of ethnic groups. This is confirmed through regression analysis. Differences in distance migrated, however, are not explained by the composition of ethnic groups, but may be explained by their primarily urban current areas of residence. Exceptions to the general patterns are highlighted as avenues for further investigation. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

This paper investigates migrants' perceptions and experiences of urban greenspaces. The research used innovative participatory and visual (photography) methods and the 12 week programme included visits to 10 greenspaces in Sheffield. The participants were all asylum seekers and refugees from Asia and Africa. This paper discusses how and why the participants engaged or disengaged with local greenspace in the short and medium term. In particular, the importance of memory and nostalgia in participants' experiences; the significance of plants; the novelty of visiting British 'parks'; and the role of greenspace in enhancing the quality of life of immigrants are explored. The paper concludes that a positive impression of the local environment and meaning-ful participation in it can be a useful component of integration into a new society. Furthermore, recognition of landscape elements or characteristics can provide a conceptual link between former and new homes. However, for this refugee group many physical and psychological barriers must be overcome if the full benefits of urban public open space are to be realised. Copyright (c) 2006 by the Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG.

such a historical and demographic approach, providing an agenda for research on the processes of population change. The proposed model suggests that patterns of residence by ethnicity must be understood in relation to both natural growth of immigrant-origin populations in inner urban settlement areas and simultaneous migration away to other areas. The extent of social stratifi cation over time and across generations is a key secondary AbstractEthnically diverse urban areas are often strongly infl uenced by the demographic consequences of immigration. A dynamic model of population, housing and social change following immigration is proposed and then tested using a time-series of census data for northern English towns. The results show how natural growth generates dispersal of immigrant populations to new clusters. They chart the changing nature of cities and challenge the interpretation of clustering as a negative phenomenon representing retreat and separation. Instead, the focus is moved to indicators of migration, demand for housing and services, and social equality. The post-immigration demographic cycle proposed is a general one that may be tested in many other situations and countries.