increasing their access to key resources, such as food or mates.1-5 Alternatively, it has 5 been argued to be a non-adaptive result of human impacts, such as habitat destruction 6 or provisioning of food. [6][7][8][9] To discriminate between these hypotheses we compiled long-7 term information from 18 chimpanzee communities and 4 bonobo communities. Our 8 data include 152 killings (N=58 observed, 41 inferred, and 53 suspected killings) by 9 chimpanzees in 15 communities and one suspected killing by bonobos. We found that 10 males had the greatest involvement as attackers (92% of participants) and victims 11 (73%); most killings (66%) involved intercommunity attacks; and attackers greatly 12 outnumbered their victims (median 8:1 ratio). Variation in rates of killing among 13communities depended on demographic variables but was unrelated to measures of 14 human impacts. These results from all major study populations over the last five 15 decades are consistent with previously proposed adaptive explanations for killing by 16 chimpanzees but not with the human impact hypothesis. 17 18Conspecific killing has been documented at multiple chimpanzee study sites, 2-5,10-12 but rates 19 vary greatly among sites. The human impact hypothesis and the adaptive strategies 20 hypothesis yield contrasting predictions, which we test here (Tables 1, 2). The human impact 21 hypothesis states that killing occurs mainly as an incidental outcome of aggression, 22 exacerbated by human activities such as providing a concentrated food resource, 23 deforestation-induced crowding, anthropogenic diseases or hunting. Accordingly, lethal 24 aggression should be high where human disturbance is high. In contrast, the adaptive strategies hypothesis views aggression as an evolved strategic 27 response by which aggressors tend to increase their fitness through increased access to 28 territory, food, mates or other benefits. [1][2][3][4][5][10][11][12][13][14][15][16][17] 45Intracommunity infanticide by females may result from intense competition among females 46 for the best feeding areas.17 Population differences in rates of killing are accordingly 47 expected to result from socioecological factors such as differences in grouping patterns 2,11 48 and/or demography.14 Lethal aggression thus occurs within a diverse set of circumstances, 49 but is expected to be most commonly committed by males; directed towards males; directed 50 6 towards non-kin, particularly members of other groups; and committed when overwhelming 51 numerical superiority reduces the costs of killing. 52 53Previous studies have developed and tested these specific hypotheses 2,5,[11][12][13][14][15][16][17] ; the present study 54 represents the first effort to test multiple hypotheses simultaneously with a comprehensive 55 dataset. To do so, we assembled data from 18 chimpanzee communities from both eastern 56 (N=12) and western (N=6) clades 24 of chimpanzees studied over 426 years (median = 21 57 years; range: 4-53) and from 4 bonobo communities studied for 92 years (media...

Demography provides critical data to increase our understanding of the evolution, ecology, and conservation of primate populations. The chimpanzees of the Mahale Mountains National Park, Tanzania, have been studied for more than 34 yr on the basis of individual identification and standardized attendance records. From this long-term study, we derived the following demographic data: The major cause of death was disease (48%), followed by senescence (24%) and within-species aggression (16%). Fifty percent of Mahale chimpanzees died before weaning. The median ages of female life history variables were: first maximal swelling, 10.0 yr (n = 5); emigration, 11.0 yr (n = 11); and first birth, 13.1 yr (n = 5). The median period of adolescent infertility was 2.8 yr (n = 4) when calculated from the age at immigration to that at first birth. Female fecundity was highest between 20 and 35 yr of age, with an annual birth rate of 0.2. Twenty-six females that were observed from a young age (10-13 yr) to death at various ages (15-40 yr) gave birth to an average of 3.9 and weaned an average of 1.4 offspring. Twenty-five females that were observed from middle age (18-33 yr) to death in older age (31-48) gave birth to an average of 2.7 and weaned an average of 2.0 offspring. The post-reproductive lifespan for female chimpanzees was defined as the number of years that passed from the year when the last offspring was born to the year when the female died, minus 5. Twenty-five percent of old females had a post-reproductive lifespan. The interbirth interval after the birth of a son (x = 72 mo) tended to be longer than that after the birth of a daughter (x = 66 mo). The extent of female transfer, which is a rule in chimpanzees, is influenced by the size and composition of the unit group and size of the overall local community.

The aim of this study was to test for a correlation between party size and food (fruit) availability among the M group chimpanzees (Pan troglodytes) in the Mahale Mountains, Tanzania. Chimpanzee unit groups (or communities) show fission-fusion grouping patterns and form temporal parties. Fruit availability is assumed to be one of the important limiting factors in relation to the size of these parties. Different methods have been proposed to measure party size, but they all appear to focus mainly on two aspects of grouping phenomena. In "face-to-face parties", party size is measured by scan sampling, whereas in "nomadic parties", all members observed during a specific time period are counted. The mean monthly group size resulting from these two measures was compared with fruit availability, i.e. fruiting plant density and mean potential patch size. Nomadic party size was correlated with both values. Thus, party formation at this level was considered to be sensitive to overall fruit availability in the habitat. On the other hand, face-to-face party size remained stable and showed weak or no correlations with density and potential patch size. Although large patches are available during the peak fruiting season, Mahale chimpanzees depend on the liana species Saba comorensis, which, when fruiting, encourages individuals to spread out to eat. Thus, the lack of correlation between face-to-face-party size and fruit availability was attributed to the influence of physical limitations countervailing the fluctuation in fruit availability. Maximum face-to-face party size relative to unit-group size, regarded as the cohesiveness of a unit group, was compared among sites. The values differed largely: Mahale groups M and K, Bossou, and, in some years, Budongo, showed high cohesiveness, while others remained low. Thus, the distribution of the most important food during the fruiting season in each study site may be a crucial factor in the grouping phenomena of chimpanzees.

If a social-living animal has a long life span, permitting different generations to co-exist within a social group, as is the case in many primate species, it can be beneficial for a parent to continue to support its weaned offspring to increase the latter's survival and/or reproductive success. Chimpanzees have an even longer period of dependence on their mothers' milk than do humans, and consequently, offspring younger than 4.5-5 years old cannot survive if the mother dies. Most direct maternal investments, such as maternal transportation of infants and sharing of night shelters (beds or nests), end with nutritional weaning. Thus, it had been assumed that a mother's death was no longer critical to the survival of weaned offspring, in contrast to human children, who continue to depend on parental care long after weaning. However, in theory at least, maternal investment in a chimpanzee son after weaning could be beneficial because in chimpanzees' male-philopatric society, mother and son co-exist for a long time after the offspring's weaning. Using long-term demographic data for a wild chimpanzee population in the Mahale Mountains, Tanzania, we show the first empirical evidence that orphaned chimpanzee sons die younger than expected even if they lose their mothers after weaning. This suggests that long-lasting, but indirect, maternal investment in sons continues several years after weaning and is vital to the survival of the sons. The maternal influence on males in the male-philopatric societies of hominids may be greater than previously believed.