The debate concerning the determinants of rural-urban migration in China has thus far paid little attention to migrants with different ethnic backgrounds. The present article investigates the determinants of settlement intentions using survey data for three cities in Northwest China. Under four strategies: Settling in the city (as the baseline); Returning home; Moving to other cities, and Undecided, we analyse migrants' intentions through a multi-nominal logit approach, in conjunction with in-depth interviews and participant observations. The results demonstrate a range of determinants that include human capital, migration characteristics, employment, network, and local factors. Findings indicate in particular that types of contract and job training strongly influence migrant settlement in all models. The implication of these findings is that migrants will have to learn practical skills if they plan to settle down. It may be attractive for local authorities to invest in vocational schools and to regulate the labour market and contracts if they are willing to accommodate these migrants. As expected, ethnic identity and cultural characteristics of the cities also play important roles in determining migrants' decisions to settle. Worth to notice that minority migrants tend to stay in cities where there is higher cultural homogeneity, thus lower demand for integration. They are less likely to resort to migration for a better livelihood compared to the Han majority. We advocate that the creation of more equal and inclusive socio-cultural contexts may promote minority migrants' mobility, thereby improving their livelihoods through migration.

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Based on an extensive questionnaire survey in three cities in Northwest China, this article identifies the factors influencing the sole, couple and family migration of Han and Hui. We find that Han migrants are more utility-oriented and tend to circulate among different places in order to maximize their utility. Hui migrants are more likely to seek opportunities to settle in destinations with their families. They rely on Hui communities and dedicate themselves to creating networks and accumulating social capital for their families. We suggest that the accumulation of bonding capital does not necessarily suggest the increase or decrease of bridging capital. Moreover, the ethnic community should be regarded neither in negative nor positive terms but rather as a coin with two sides, pro and con. The ethnic community is a vessel, which migrants can use for minimizing risks, improving livelihoods and fostering the settlement of families.

Following a brief sketch of the shift within development geography from rural to urban themes, this paper examines Nijman's description and analysis of Mumbai's slums. This is characterised by a historical and geographical stratification, with an emphasis on the congruence of economic and social geography in Dharavi. His analysis is conducted primarily at the community level. In this commentary the reader's attention is drawn to the livelihood strategy approach, which originated from the rural context but is also relevant in the slum setting. Such an approach could be useful in documenting the dynamic of slums and of the households that inhabit them. But households are just one of the actors in this struggle for space. Also making an appearance are public authorities, NGOs and businesses, each with a claim to the same space. At the same time, the struggle is played out at several levels and is imbedded in the local situation, which makes comparative and longitudinal research an interesting way to define the place of slums and their inhabitants.