An experiment using 81 crossbred swine was conducted to evaluate quantitative and percentage chemical compositional changes of swine from 1.5 kg (birth) to 145 kg body weight. Groups of eight pigs were sacrificed at 1.5, 6.4 and 18 kg, and then at 18 kg increments to 145 kg. Body composition was determined by grinding the entire body, minus digesta, partitioning the carcass from other body components and chemically analyzing each subsample. Results indicated that weight of the carcass increased linearly with live weight, while the total weight of the other body components increased quadratically. Percentage fat in the empty body (ingesta-free) increased rapidly from birth to weaning (6.4 kg), plateaued until 36 kg and then increased, while water percentage declined dramatically from 1.5 to 6.4 kg, but then declined more gradually to 145 kg. Percentage protein increased from birth to 18 kg, plateaued and declined after 54 kg. When expressed on a fat-free basis, the percentage water decreased in a curvilinear manner with increasing animal weight while protein increased curvilinearly inverse to the change in water. Constancy of composition ("chemical maturity") between protein and water in the fat-free body was not attained by 145 kg. When expressed on an absolute empty body basis, water, protein and fat weight increased curvilinearly with increasing empty body weight; the rate of fat deposition increased faster during the latter growth stages while water and protein had declining deposition rates. Logarithmic and quadratic equations relating body composition to animal weight had similar R2 and lower coefficients of variation than linear or semilog functions. Gilts contained more water and less fat than barrows at similar slaughter weights, but sex differences were not apparent when expressed on a fat-free basis. The growth and fattening process was reflected in several carcass measurements. Backfat thickness, longissimus muscle area and body length increased as pig weight increased.

Across the UK, 1.3 million children access free school meals for around 38 weeks of the year. However, during school holidays, many families face considerable difficulties in providing a consistent and nutritious supply of food for their children, particularly during the extended summer break. In an effort to address this issue, a number of community-based breakfast clubs were set-up across the North West of England and in Northern Ireland where people could access a free breakfast meal during the summer holidays. Qualitative interviews were carried out with 17 children, 18 adult attendees, and 15 breakfast club staff to determine the uses and impacts associated with holiday breakfast club participation and to investigate potential areas for future development of holiday food provision. Findings highlighted a need for holiday food provision and revealed a multitude of nutritional, social, and financial benefits for those who accessed holiday breakfast clubs. Areas for further development and investigation are discussed in addition to implications for UK food and educational policies.

Access to an adequate supply of nutritious food has been recognized as a basic human right. However, many families across the UK face food insecurity, which is thought to be exacerbated during school holidays. To address this issue, some schools and community groups have chosen to roll out holiday clubs, though research into the effectiveness of such interventions is limited and no studies to date have evaluated holiday clubs being organized through schools. In an effort to address some of the limitations in the research literature, the current qualitative investigation utilized semi-structured interviews with staff involved in holiday clubs in school and community venues with the aim of gaging their views on the need for and benefits of holiday food provision in addition to potential areas for development. The investigation revealed that staff perceived many families to be facing food insecurity and isolation during the school holidays, which may be alleviated through holiday club provision. Holiday clubs were viewed as a valuable source of support for children and adults, providing food, activities, and learning experiences. Staff were keen to see them implemented on a wider scale in future but suggested some areas that require attention in any future development of such provision. Findings are discussed in relation to current research, policy, and practice surrounding the health and wellbeing of children and families.

This research investigates whether holiday clubs have the potential to reduce food insecurity among households in the United Kingdom. We survey parents (n = 38) of children attending seven different holiday clubs to estimate the percentage of children in those programmes who come from food insecure households. Results suggest that 42% (16 out of 38 respondents) of children come from households defined as "food insecure" and 24% (9 out of 38 respondents) come from households that are "food insecure with hunger." When secure and insecure households are compared, we discover that food insecure households benefit the most from holiday clubs, which suggests that they may play an important role in mitigating household food insecurity. K E Y W O R D Sfood policy, food poverty, food security, holiday hunger | INTRODUCTIONHoliday hunger is a condition that occurs when a child's household is, or will, become food insecure during the school holidays (Graham et al., 2016). To combat the problem of holiday hunger, holiday clubs have emerged across the UK. These holiday clubs provide meals for children, and sometimes parents, when children are not in school.Despite the rising popularity of holiday clubs, little is known about their effectiveness. The current study presents results from a portion of a larger pilot evaluation of holiday clubs on food insecurity in the UK. In this paper, we focus on the views of parents of children who attend holiday clubs. Specifically, we ask three questions about the role of holiday clubs in attenuating household food insecurity. First, are households with children attending holiday clubs more socially and economically deprived than UK households in general? Second, are households with children attending holiday club likely to suffer from food insecurity? Third, do parents of children attending holiday club believe that the clubs reduce household food insecurity? We answer these three questions by drawing upon questionnaire data that examine the perceptions of parents whose children attend seven different holiday clubs in the UK.Information about the potential role that holiday clubs play in mitigating household food insecurity is necessary if these clubs are going to form an effort for mitigating rising food insecurity across UK households. For example, if holiday clubs do not provide food for children from food insecure households, we might ask whether resources could be better spent on other food insecurity mitigation programmes. Prior to carrying out our analysis of holiday clubs, we briefly review the literature on the definition of household food insecurity and its impact on children's health and well-being.

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