Background Research indicates that social isolation and loneliness increase the risk of mental disorders, but less is known about the distinct contributions of different aspects of isolation. We aimed to distinguish the pathways through which social disconnectedness (eg, small social network, infrequent social interaction) and perceptions of social isolation (eg, loneliness, perceived lack of support) contribute to anxiety and depression symptom severity in community-residing older adults aged 57 -85 years at baseline. MethodsWe did a longitudinal mediation analysis with data from the National Social Life, Health, and Aging Project (NSHAP). The study included individuals from the USA born between 1920 and 1947. Validated measures on social disconnectedness, perceived isolation, and depression and anxiety symptoms were used. Structural equation modelling was used to construct complete longitudinal path models.Findings Using data from 3005 adults aged 57-85 years, we identified two significant longitudinal mediation patterns with symptoms of depression, and two with anxiety symptoms. Overall, social disconnectedness predicted higher subsequent perceived isolation (β=0•09; p<0•0001), which in turn predicted higher depression symptoms (β=0•12; p<0•0001) and anxiety symptoms (β=0•12; p<0•0001). The reverse pathways were statistically supported as well, suggesting bi-directional influences.Interpretation Social network structure and function are strongly intertwined with anxiety and depression symptoms in the general population of older adults. Public health initiatives could reduce perceived isolation by facilitating social network integration and participation in community activities, thereby protecting against the development of affective disorders.Funding Nordea-fonden.

A recent theory (Roseman, 1979(Roseman, ,1984 attempts to specify the particular appraisals of events that elicit 16 discrete emotions. This study tested hypotheses from the latest version of the theory and compared them with hypotheses derived from appraisal theories proposed by Arnold (1960) and by Scherer (1988), using procedures designed to address some prior methodological problems. Results provided empirical support for numerous hypotheses linking particular appraisals of situational state (motive-inconsistent/motive-consistent), motivational state (punishment/reward), probability (uncertain/certain), power (weak/strong), legitimacy (negative outcome deserved/positive outcome deserved), and agency (circumstances/other person/self) to particular emotions. Where hypotheses were not supported, new appraisal-emotion relationships that revise the theory were proposed.Why do people feel particular discrete emotions, such as sadness, anger, or guilt? Why does a particular person in a particular situation (e.g., the breakup of a relationship) feel one of these emotions rather than another? Why do different people in the same situation, or the same person in a situation at different times, feel different emotions?Appraisal theorists (e.) claim that evaluations and interpretations of events, rather than events per se, determine whether an emotion will be felt and which emotion it will be. 1 Two individuals will feel the same emotion to the extent that their appraisals of a situation are the same. Two individuals with different appraisals, or the same individual with different appraisals at different times, will feel different emotions. Thus, by identifying emotion-causing patterns of appraisal, such theories may be able to explain how an infinite variety of situations can elicit the same emotion and may also be able to explain the apparent variability across people and over time in emotional responses to the same event. The challenge for appraisal theorists is to specify the patterns of appraisal that can produce particular emotions. In the present generation of appraisal theories, RosemanWe are grateful to , and three anonymous reviewers for helpful comments on drafts of this article; and to lisa Rettek and Nancy Nichols for their support. have related patterns of appraisal to particular emotions, without necessarily claiming that the appraisals cause the emotions. 899

This longitudinal study was designed to investigate whether or not social connectedness predicts psychological wellbeing over time. Structural equation modeling was used to examine the temporal relations between these constructs assessed yearly for 3 years for a sample of 1,774 10-to 15-year-olds (at Time 1). Results indicated that global connectedness (i.e., connectedness combined across the domains of family, school, peers, and neighborhood) predicted wellbeing, but no reciprocal relation was found. However, reciprocal relations were revealed by analyses that examined connectedness at the domain level, that is, for family and school contexts. The results suggest that youth who reported higher levels of social connectedness at one point in time would subsequently report higher well-being (i.e., life satisfaction, confidence, positive affect, and aspirations).This longitudinal study was supported by a grant from The Foundation for Research in Science and Technology to the first and third authors. We thank Jo Kleeb for input in measure design and methodology; the school principals for allowing us to access students in their schools; and the adolescents for their continued willing participation.Requests for reprints should be sent to

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In well-being research the term happiness is often used as synonymous with life satisfaction. However, little is known about lay people's understanding of happiness. Building on the available literature, this study explored lay definitions of happiness across nations and cultural dimensions, analyzing their components and relationship with participants' demographic features. Participants were 2799 adults (age range = 30–60, 50% women) living in urban areas of Argentina, Brazil, Croatia, Hungary, India, Italy, Mexico, New Zealand, Norway, Portugal, South Africa, and United States. They completed the Eudaimonic and Hedonic Happiness Investigation (EHHI), reporting, among other information, their own definition of happiness. Answers comprised definitions referring to a broad range of life domains, covering both the contextual-social sphere and the psychological sphere. Across countries and with little variation by age and gender, inner harmony predominated among psychological definitions, and family and social relationships among contextual definitions. Whereas relationships are widely acknowledged as basic happiness components, inner harmony is substantially neglected. Nevertheless, its cross-national primacy, together with relations, is consistent with the view of an ontological interconnectedness characterizing living systems, shared by several conceptual frameworks across disciplines and cultures. At the methodological level, these findings suggest the potential of a bottom-up, mixed method approach to contextualize psychological dimensions within culture and lay understanding.